دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 The Strategies of Imami Shi'is in the Face of the Dominant Discourse in the Levant from the Fifth Century AH to the End of the Mamluk Era راهبردهای شیعیان امامی در برابر گفتمان مسلط در منطقه شام از قرن پنجم تا پایان عصر ممالیک 7 40 80429 10.22081/hiq.2024.66677.2342 FA شهناز کریم زاده سورشجانی استادیار و عضو هیأت علمی مجتمع آموزش عالی بنت الهدی وابسته به جامعه المصطفی العالمیه، قم، ایران Journal Article 2026 05 06 In the fifth to tenth centuries AH, the strategic land of the ancient Levant (al-Shām), comprising Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine, was the arena of a sensitive and fateful encounter between two discourses: Imami Shi'ism and Sunnism. Nevertheless, advantages such as the historical precedent of the Sunni community's presence, which was linked to the time of the Islamic conquest of this land; demographic predominance; the political backing of centralized and aligned governments that had gained general political and social acceptability due to their successful record in containing external crises and were prepared to employ all their capacities to strengthen this discourse; and the presence of first-rate Sunni scholars alongside it, had placed the Sunni discourse in a superior and hegemonic position—the result of this situation being extremely difficult and arduous conditions for Twelver Shi'ism. However, according to historical evidence, Imami Shi'ism was astonishingly present and active in the Levant in subsequent centuries, and despite the research conducted, the resolution of this historical paradox still requires investigation in order to answer the following questions: How did the Imami Shi'is of this region survive those difficult and arduous conditions, and what strategies did they adopt in the face of the hegemonic Sunni discourse? The present study, employing a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the above question in order to trace the reasons for the vitality and dynamism of the Shi'a of this region in the tenth century AH, and to arrive at scholarly and practical models that the Shi'a can adopt according to the requirements of the time and the capabilities at their disposal for improving their situation or preserving their existence. The findings of this research indicate that Imami Shi'ism, in this discursive atmosphere, encountered the aforementioned situation with two positions: active and passive. A portion of the Shi'i body saw the preservation of their current existence in aligning themselves with the rival. However, another portion envisioned a broader prospect before themselves, such as guaranteeing the survival of their discourse in subsequent periods; consequently, cognizant of the perilous nature of this path and taking into account the four factors of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and environmental challenges, they placed a series of strategies on their agenda that were not equal in terms of effectiveness. Among these, the strategy of taqiyya (dissimulation), although adopted by both the scholars and the commonality of the Shi'a, was effective merely for preserving life and alleviating suffering under those harsh conditions. However, a strategy such as the establishment of a government, in addition to providing the ground for the Shi'a to assert themselves against the rival discourse, helped—by preparing the ground for the growth of Imami Shi'i thought—to strengthen the doctrinal foundations of the Shi'is, to delineate identity boundaries, and to guarantee their survival in the future. The strategy of debate (munāẓara) was likewise often dependent upon the existence of a Shi'i power capable of protecting the scholar who participated in the debating assembly; however, in terms of effectiveness and in clearing the reputation of Imami Shi'ism from certain accusations and rumors, it had the full and complete effect of the strategy of elucidating Shi'i doctrines. The strategy of migration (hijra) at this juncture encompassed a twofold direction: the migration of the Shi'i commonality to inaccessible regions for the preservation of their lives, and the short-term or permanent propagational migration of Imami Shi'i scholars to this region, which brought about the preservation of life and, at the same time, the further maturation of the semantic system of the Imami discourse, and whose blessings manifested in the transformation of the Jabal Amil region into a focal point of Shi'ism—a centrality one of whose results was the establishment of Shi'i seminaries and, consequently, the emergence of great scholars such as al-Shahid al-Thani, whose scholarly legacy was preserved in his patron of learning family. This focal point acquired the capacity to purify Shi'i thought in other regions, such as Safavid-era Iran, from the deviant ideas of the Sufi current. It may be said that the operational model of the Shi'is in this discursive encounter was, first, the establishment of a government where possible, and in the event of success, they would utilize all the capacities of that government to strengthen their own system of thought; however, in the event of the impossibility of establishing a government, the utilization of the region's indigenous capacities and the internal capabilities of the discourse was placed on the agenda, and at the same time, they would await an opportunity in the future as actively as possible, adopting patience and silence. گفتمان مسلط اهل سنت در منطقه شام، در قرون پنجم تا دهم هجری، با محوریت حکومت ممالیک، فضایی دگرساز نسبت به شیعیان دوازده امامی ایجاد کرد و آنان را با شرایطی سخت، و دشوار و خسته‌کننده روبرو ساخت؛ ولی با‌این‌‌وجود، این منطقه در قرن دهم هجری شاهد حیات بالنده شیعیان است. پژوهش پیشِ رو با روش وصفی ـ تحلیلی، در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که شیعیان چگونه توانستند خود را از شرایط دشوار قرون پنجم تا دهم برهانند و آیا روش آنان برای بهبود وضعیت خود یا حفظ حیات خویش در شرایط بحرانی، در قالب یک الگوی عملی و راهبردی قابل ارائه است؟ یافته های این پژوهش نشان‌ می‌دهد که شیعیان شام با اتخاذ دو رویکرد منفعلانه و فعال، مجموعه‌ای از راهبردهای پیدا و پنهان را در دستور کار قرار دادند که پربازده‌ترین آن‌ها تأسیس حوزههای علمیه بود؛ نهادی که ضمن حفظ حیات شیعیان شام، مصونیت اندیشۀ شیعی از تحریف را در سرزمین‌های هم‌جوار نیز تضمین کرد.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80429_155572450c35774a1d7b2d4b59b17526.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 A Comparative Study of the Reports on the Manāqib of the Twelve Imams (AS) in Kashefi's Rawzat al-Shuhada with the Qur'an and Narrative Sources تطبیق اخبار مناقب امامان اثناعشر(ع) در روضه الشهدای کاشفی با منابع روایی و قرآنی فریقین 41 74 80430 10.22081/hiq.2024.67240.2350 FA سیدمهدی طباطبایی دکتـری مدرسـی معـارف، گرایـش تاریـخ و تمـدن اسـلامی، دانشـکده الهیـات و ادیـان دانشـگاه شـهید بهشـتی تهـران، ایـران مهران اسماعیلی اســتادیارگروه تاریــخ و تمــدن ملــل اســلامی، دانشــکده الهیــات و ادیــان دانشــگاه شــهید بهشــتی،تهران، ایــران محمدمهدی باباپور دانشیار گروه تاریخ تمدن اسلامی و فقه سیاسی، دانشکده الهیات و ادیان دانشگاه شهید بهشتی،تهران، ایران محمد حاجی تقی استادیار گروه تاریخ دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی،تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 05 09 The recording of historical events has always been one of the principal concerns of historians, and various methods have been employed for this purpose, one of which is "maqtal-nigari" (the writing of maqtals). Maqtal-nigari refers to the recording of details and reports concerning the martyrdom of important figures, particularly the Infallible Imams (AS), among which the event of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS) are considered the most prominent and influential. The book Rawzat al-Shuhada (Rawḍat al-Shuhadā’: garden of the martyrs), by Mulla Husayn Kashefi, is one of the most famous and, at the same time, most controversial works in this field, which addresses the events of Ashura. Given the importance of this book and the citations made to it, it is essential to examine the correspondence of the reports contained therein with earlier sources. This research aims to undertake, through an analytical approach, a comparative examination of the manāqib (virtues) transmitted in Rawzat al-Shuhada, particularly concerning Imam Husayn (AS), and to assess the accuracy of their attribution against earlier narrative sources and the verses of the Holy Qur'an. The book Rawzat al-Shuhada, due to its widespread influence among the general populace and its profound impact on the formation of religious beliefs and mourning practices, has always attracted attention. Nevertheless, some scholars have raised doubts regarding the historical accuracy and validity of certain narrations transmitted therein. The lack of correspondence of certain reports with primary sources redoubles the necessity of conducting a systematic study to examine these reports. This research, relying on the scientific method and comparing the reports of Rawzat al-Shuhada with authoritative narrative sources, as well as citing the verses of the Holy Qur'an, seeks to present a clearer picture of the degree of validity of the content of this work. The main objective of this research is to examine the correspondence of the manāqib reports contained in Kashefi's Rawzat al-Shuhada, with a focus on the narrations concerning Imam Husayn (AS) and the other Infallible Imams (AS), with the verses of the Qur'an, and to investigate their probable occasions of revelation (sha'n-i nuzūl) and earlier narrative sources. This article addresses the subject by adopting a "descriptive-analytical" approach. At the descriptive stage, the reports and manāqib concerning the Imams (AS), particularly Imam Husayn (AS), have been extracted from Rawzat al-Shuhada and classified. Subsequently, these reports have been carefully examined and compared with the verses of the Holy Qur'an and earlier narrative sources. At the analytical stage, the correspondence of these narrations has been assessed on the basis of Qur'anic and narrative evidence, and their attribution to earlier sources has been discussed and examined. This research is grounded in primary and authoritative Shi'i and Sunni narrative sources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the premise that the manāqib narrations in Rawzat al-Shuhada should be compared according to scholarly criteria and with reference to authoritative sources, and that the mere transmission of a narration in a book does not constitute proof of its definitive authenticity. The main body of the article is devoted to the extraction, classification, and comparative examination of the manāqib reports transmitted in Rawzat al-Shuhada, and in this regard, the correspondence of these reports with the verses of the Qur'an and earlier narrative sources is discussed and examined. Finally, the results of the research are presented, and an analysis is offered of the probable reasons for the validity of certain narrations and the invalidity of others. The results of this research indicate that the book Rawzat al-Shuhada contains a collection of reports and narrations that vary in degree with respect to their correspondence. Based on the examinations conducted, some of the manāqib transmitted in Rawzat al-Shuhada correspond with the verses of the Holy Qur'an. This means that the relevant narrations either directly refer to the occasions of revelation of verses revealed concerning the Imams (AS), or offer an interpretation of Qur'anic verses that is consonant with the virtues of the Imams (AS). In addition to their Qur'anic basis, some of these manāqib are also found in earlier narrative sources. However, another portion of the manāqib transmitted in Rawzat al-Shuhada are not only not found in earlier narrative sources, but also lack any Qur'anic basis whatsoever. These findings indicate that the book Rawzat al-Shuhada, although it is regarded as a work of note in explaining the event of Ashura and the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), nonetheless, like any other historical work, requires critical examination and the comparison of its content using authoritative sources and scholarly methods. کتاب روضة‌الشهداء، نوشته ملاحسین کاشفی (م.910ق)، یکی از کتاب‌های مقتل‌نگاری است که بخشی بزرگ از آن دربارۀ اخبار واقعه عاشورا نگاشته شده است. اخبار ثبت‌شده در این کتاب، در دو بخش قرآن و روایات است. در بخش قرآنی، آیاتی که شأن نزول آن‌ها درباره برخی ائمه(عهم) است، آورده شده و در بخش روایات نیز روایاتی آمده که حاکی از فضایل فردی یا جمعی امامان(عهم)است. با توجه به استناد بسیاری از نویسندگان و گویندگان مذهبی به این کتاب و نیز تنوع دیدگاه مخالفان و موافقان مذکور در آن، این مقاله در صدد است با روش توصفی ـ تحلیلی به مطالعه تطبیقی اخبار مناقبی این کتاب دربارۀ امامان به‌ویژه امام حسین(ع)، با آیات قرآن و منابع روایی متقدم بپردازد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان‌دهنده آن است که برخی از مناقب نقل‌شده در روضة‌الشهداء با آیات قرآن تطبیق دارد و افزون بر آن، در منابع متقدم نیز وجود دارد؛ اما برخی دیگر نه در منابع متقدم آمده و نه دارای ریشه قرآنی است. کتاب روضه الشهداء، به دلیل نفوذ گسترده‌اش در میان عامه مردم و تأثیر عمیق آن بر شکل‌گیری باورها و عزاداری‌های مذهبی، همواره مورد توجه بوده است. با این حال، برخی پژوهشگران، نسبت به دقت تاریخی و صحت برخی از روایات نقل‌شده در آن تردیدهایی را مطرح کرده‌اند. عدم تطابق برخی اخبار با منابع دست اول، ضرورتِ انجام پژوهشی نظام‌مند برای تطبیق این اخبار را دوچندان می‌کند. این تحقیق با تکیه بر روش علمی و با مقایسه اخبار روضه الشهداء با منابع معتبر روایی و همچنین با استناد به آیات قرآن کریم، در صدد است تا تصویری روشن‌تر از میزان اعتبار محتوای این اثر ارائه دهد. هدف اصلی این پژوهش، تطبیق اخبار مناقبی مندرج در کتاب روضه الشهداء کاشفی، با تمرکز بر روایات مربوط به امام حسین (ع) و دیگر ائمه اطهار (ع) با آیات قرآن و بررسی شأن نزول احتمالی آن‌ها و منابع روایی متقدم است. این مقاله با اتخاذ رویکرد «توصیفی-تحلیلی» به بررسی موضوع پرداخته است. در مرحله توصیف، اخبار و مناقب مربوط به ائمه (ع)، به‌ویژه امام حسین (ع)، از کتاب روضه الشهداء استخراج و دسته‌بندی شده است. در ادامه، این اخبار با دقت مورد بررسی قرار گرفته و با آیات قرآن کریم و منابع روایی متقدم مقایسه شده‌اند. در مرحله تحلیل، تطبیق این روایات بر اساس شواهد قرآنی و روایی سنجیده شده و استناد آنها به منابع متقدم مورد بحث و بررسی قرار گرفته است. این پژوهش بر پایه منابع دست اول و معتبر روایی شیعه و اهل سنت استوار است. چارچوب نظری پژوهش بر این فرض استوار است که روایت‌های مناقبی در کتاب روضه الشهدا بر اساس معیارهای علمی و با ارجاع به منابع معتبر مقایسه شوند و صرف نقل یک روایت در یک کتاب، دلیل بر صحت قطعی آن نیست. بخش اصلی مقاله به استخراج، دسته‌بندی و تطبیق اخبار مناقبی اختصاص دارد که در روضه الشهداء نقل شده و در این راستا، تطبیق این اخبار با آیات قرآن و منابع روایی متقدم مورد بحث و بررسی قرار می‌گیرد. در نهایت، نتایج پژوهش ارائه شده و به تحلیل دلایل احتمالی اعتبار برخی روایات و عدم اعتبار برخی دیگر پرداخته می‌شود. نتایج این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که کتاب روضه الشهداء، حاوی مجموعه‌ای از اخبار و روایات است که از نظر انطباق درجات متفاوتی دارند. بر اساس بررسی‌های انجام‌شده: برخی از مناقب نقل‌شده در روضه الشهداء، دارای تطابق با آیات قرآن کریم هستند. این بدان معناست که روایات مربوطه، یا به صورت مستقیم به شأن نزول آیاتی اشاره دارند که در مورد ائمه (ع) نازل شده است، یا تفسیری از آیات قرآن ارائه می‌دهند که با فضایل ائمه(ع) همخوانی دارد. علاوه بر ریشه قرآنی، برخی از این مناقب در منابع روایی متقدم نیز یافت می‌شوند. اما بخش دیگری از مناقب نقل‌شده در روضه الشهداء، نه تنها در منابع روایی متقدم یافت نمی‌شوند، بلکه فاقد هرگونه ریشه قرآنی نیز هستند. این یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که کتاب روضه الشهداء، اگرچه اثری مورد توجه در تبیین واقعه عاشورا و فضایل اهل بیت (ع) محسوب می‌شود، اما مانند هر اثر تاریخی دیگر، نیازمند بررسی نقادانه و تطبیق محتوای آن با استفاده از منابع معتبر و روش‌های علمی است.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80430_da227acaf5b3db105e74381fc5331a15.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi's influence by Henry Corbin based on A Comparative Study of the Book “En Islam iranien (In Iranian Islam)” and the Book "The Divine Guide in Early Shi'ism" اثرپذیری محمدعلی امیرمعزی از هانری کربن بر پایه بررسی تطبیقی کتاب "اسلام ایرانی" و کتاب "راهنمای ربانی در تشیع نخستین" 75 102 80431 10.22081/hiq.2024.68341.2372 FA سید کمال کشیک‌نویس رضوی استادیار گروه تاریخ و تمدن ملل اسلامی، دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان، تبریز، ایران Journal Article 2026 04 18 The present study aims to conduct a comparative examination of the approaches of two of the most prominent figures in French-language Shi'i studies, namely Henry Corbin (1903–1978 CE) and Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi (b. 1955). The central problem of this research is to determine what influence Corbin's philosophical-phenomenological approach to the study of Shi'ism has exerted on Amir-Moezzi's perspective and methodology in reexamining the nature of early Shi'ism, and to what extent traces of Corbin's thought can be detected in Amir-Moezzi's works. The research hypothesis posits that Amir-Moezzi, while consciously drawing upon Corbin's intellectual and methodological foundations—particularly with respect to the valorization of esoteric texts and the hermeneutic layers of Shi'i teachings—ultimately transcends Corbin's transtemporal framework through the application of critical historiographical tools and comparative study of primary sources, thereby offering a distinct portrayal of the intellectual and doctrinal developments of Shi'ism during the first three Islamic centuries. The necessity of this research is twofold, given that few studies to date have systematically and comprehensively compared the shared and divergent components of these two thinkers. Most studies have either been devoted separately to the exposition and critique of one of them, or, where comparison has been attempted, have focused on only limited aspects. Furthermore, particular attention to Amir-Moezzi's "conscious and deliberate transition" from Corbin's purely philosophical and phenomenological approach toward historical-critical methods constitutes a turning point in the evolutionary trajectory of the Paris academic tradition—a development that has received insufficient analytical scrutiny in previous scholarship. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical and based on comparative analysis. Within this framework, Corbin's key positions—particularly in his seminal work En Islam iranien: Aspects spirituels et philosophiques (In Iranian Islam: Spiritual and Philosophical Aspects)—have been extracted and formulated, and subsequently assessed and compared with Amir-Moezzi's views in such major works as The Spirituality of Shi'i Islam: Beliefs and Practices and The Divine Guide in Early Shi'ism: The Sources of Esotericism in Islam. The points of convergence and divergence resulting from this comparison have been classified and analyzed under five thematic axes: (1) the application of shared terminology and its semantic import; (2) commonalities in Christology and Imamology; (3) examination of the historical origins of Shi'ism; (4) avoidance of reducing Shi'ism to a political issue; and (5) attention to the esoteric and supra-rational dimensions of Shi'i beliefs. The primary sources of this research comprise the published written works of both thinkers in French, as well as the available Persian translations of Amir-Moezzi's works. The structure of the article, following the introduction and exposition of the research context, provides brief academic biographies of Henry Corbin and Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi in order to illuminate the intellectual and scholarly background of both thinkers. Subsequently, the five comparative axes mentioned above are examined in detail, and finally, the research findings are presented in the concluding section. Among the principal achievements of this research is the provision of a more precise portrayal of the methodological transformation in French-language Shi'i studies. The findings indicate that Amir-Moezzi, despite his emphasis on employing historical methods in the study of early Shi'ism—which constitutes one of the distinguishing features of his approach as compared to Corbin—has reflected a broad resonance of Corbin's positions in his work. This includes the use of shared terminology such as "the esoteric guide" and "the religion of Ali", an emphasis on the commonalities between Christianity and Shi'i Islam from the perspective of the nexus between Christology and Imamology, attention to primary texts for the reconstruction of the formative stages of Shi'ism, avoidance of the politicization of Shi'i beliefs, and attention to the esoteric and supra-rational dimensions of Shi'i teachings. In sum, this research demonstrates that Amir-Moezzi, while preserving the spirit of phenomenology in understanding "meaning," has enlisted the instrument of "history" to arrive at a more documented and more problematized account of early Shi'i identity, and in so doing, may be regarded as representing a methodological shift from pure phenomenology to critical historiography within the tradition of French-language Shi'i studies. هانری کربن (۱۹۷۸م) یکی از برجسته‌ترین پژوهشگران غربی در عرصه سنت‌های فلسفی اسلامی ـ ایرانی بود که بر مسیر مطالعات شیعی در فرانسه تأثیر فراوانی گذاشت. محمدعلی امیرمعزی، شیعه‌پژوه شناخته‌شده معاصر، را می‌توان یکی از برجسته‌ترین پروردگان مکتب او دانست. کتاب اسلام ایرانی در ۱۹۷۱م به قلم هانری کربن و کتاب راهنمای ربانی در تشیع نخستین در ۱۹۹۱م به قلم امیرمعزی منتشر شده است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش حاضر آن است که رویکرد و نگاه هانری کربن چه تأثیری بر تلقی امیرمعزی از ماهیت تشیع نخستین داشته است؟ برای پاسخ به این پرسش، مطالعه تطبیقی این دو اثر ضروری به نظر می‌رسد. یافته‌های این بررسی تطبیقی نشان‌ می‌دهد که اگرچه امیرمعزی بر روش‌های تاریخی تأکید دارد و این مسئله از مهم‌ترین وجوه تمایز او با هانری کربن به شمار می‌آید، دیدگاه‌ها و آرای هانری کربن رد‌پای آشکار در کتاب آقای امیرمعزی بر جای گذاشته است. از جمله این موارد می‌توان به کاربرد اصطلاحات و مفاهیم مشترک، تأکید بر وجوه اشتراکات مسیحیت و اسلام شیعی، توجه به ریشه‌های تاریخی تشیع و پرهیز از تقلیل آن به مسئله‌ای صرفاً سیاسی اشاره کرد.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80431_10ef9cd2ff726fe2e4743c241dba9403.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 The Challenges of Al-Rassi Governance in Yemen: An Analysis of Political, Cultural, and Economic Obstacles چالش‌های حکمرانی آل‌رسّی در یمن؛ تحلیل موانع سیاسی، فرهنگی و اقتصادی 103 138 80432 10.22081/hiq.2025.64886.2403 FA محمد طاهر یعقوبی دانشیار گروه تاریخ فرهنگ و تمدن اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران محمدتقی سازندگی استادیار گروه تاریخ فرهنگ و تمدن اسلامی، موسسه آموزش عالی دارالحکمه، قم، ایران Journal Article 2026 04 22 The article "The Challenges of Al-Rassi Governance in Yemen: An Analysis of Political, Cultural, and Economic Obstacles" examines the process of the formation, establishment, and consolidation of the first Zaydi dynasty in Yemen, namely the Al-Rassi, and endeavors to demonstrate why this government, despite enjoying intellectual and religious backing, encountered serious obstacles in the path of political and social consolidation. The central problem of the research is the analysis of the factors that, both from within Yemeni society and from outside it, rendered difficult the path toward the expansion and consolidation of Al-Rassi power. The authors begin with the pivotal question: What were the political, cultural, and economic obstacles to the Al-Rassi government in the path of establishment and consolidation? In response, they have advanced a hypothesis according to which insecurity, tribal rebellions, religious conflicts, and the weakness of succession management were among the most important factors hindering the consolidation of this government. The importance and necessity of this research arises from the fact that the political history of the Zaydis in Yemen is not merely the history of a religious government; rather, it is the embodiment of a complex nexus among religion, tribe, local power, and economic structures in a heterogeneous and fragmented society. The examination of the Al-Rassi experience can illuminate why certain religious movements, although possessing powerful intellectual backing, in practice confront profound political and social difficulties. From this perspective, the present research contributes not only to the history of the Zaydis but also to an understanding of the mechanisms of power in Yemen during the early Islamic centuries. Furthermore, this article endeavors to establish a relationship between the theoretical foundations of the Zaydi da'wa (mission) and the concrete realities of Yemeni society, and to demonstrate how the gap between the idea and the social structure led to a crisis of governance. Methodologically, the article has been composed using a descriptive-analytical method and on the basis of library studies. The authors, relying on historical sources and previous research, have reconstructed the process of the formation of the Al-Rassi government and analyzed the factors influencing its failures and limitations. Although the precise list of sources is not fully visible in the recovered portion of the file, it is evident from the content of the article that the writing is grounded in the tradition of Islamic historiographical sources and works related to the history of Yemen and the Zaydis, and that it utilizes historical data for political and social analysis. Accordingly, the present research falls within the domain of analytical historiography and is not merely a reporter of events, but also engages in the interpretation of causes and consequences. The structure of the article consists of several principal sections. Following the introduction, a section entitled "Background" and then "The Characteristics and Distinctive Features of the Research" appears; these sections indicate that the authors endeavor to specify the position of their article among previous studies. Subsequently, in the section "The Formation of Zaydi Shi'i Political Identity in Yemen", the intellectual and historical contexts of the establishment of Zaydism are examined. The subheading "The Influence of Qasim Rassi's Thought on the Jurisprudential Foundations of Yemeni Zaydism" addresses the role of the intellectual founder of this current in the formulation of the religious and political identity of the Zaydis. Then, in the section "The Invitation of al-Hadi ila al-Haqq to Yemen", the entry and role of al-Hadi in the establishment of the Zaydi political structure in Yemen is analyzed. Following these preliminary discussions, the article enters the section "Political Obstacles" and demonstrates what factors rendered the actual establishment of power difficult. The findings of the article indicate that the Al-Rassi, in the course of their governance, encountered a set of interwoven crises. Abbasid interventions, the opposition of local rulers, tribal rivalries, internal disputes within the family and among the followers, the weakness of the governmental structure, and the absence of a cohesive military force were among the most important obstacles that prevented the formation of a stable state. In addition, the cultural and religious conditions of Yemeni society were such that any political project based on religious identity inevitably had to confront multiple layers of opposition, rivalry, and social heterogeneity. Thus, the article concludes that the relative failure of the Al-Rassi cannot be reduced to a single factor; rather, it must be regarded as the outcome of the interaction of a set of political, cultural, and economic factors. The principal achievement of the article is that it explains Al-Rassi governance not as a simple religious experience, but as a complex model of the tension between religious ideal and political reality. This research demonstrates that the intellectual foundations of Zaydism, although effective in creating political identity, were not sufficient for the complete establishment of a state, because the tribal structure, local conflicts, the pressure of rival powers, and the lack of internal cohesion limited the capacities of this government. Accordingly, the article makes an important contribution to the understanding of Yemen's political history and the early developments of Zaydism, and can serve as a basis for subsequent research on the relationship among religion, power, and society in Islamic history. آل‌رسّی به‌عنوان نخستین سلسله حاکم زیدیه، در مسیر استقرار و تثبیت حکومت خود با چالش‌هایی جدی رو‌به‌رو بود. این پژوهش با روش توصفی ـ تحلیلی و با استفاده از شیوه گردآوری اطلاعات کتابخانه‌ای، در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که موانع سیاسی، فرهنگی و اقتصادی حکومت آل‌رسّی در مسیر استقرار و تثبیت حکومت و حکمرانی در یمن چه بوده است؟ یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مداخلات خارجی عباسیان، و مخالفت‌های حکام محلی، شورش‌ها و رقابت‌های قبیله‌ای، اختلافات درونی، درگیری‌های مذهبی، ضعف ساختار حکومت و نظام جانشینی و فقدان نیروی نظامی منسجم، از موانع عمده دوره استقرار و تثبیت حکمرانی آل‌رسّی (284 ـ 444 ق) بوده‌اند.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80432_09f2ac350e2e974af6f49eadaafb6bd3.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 A Study of the Relationship between Social and Economic Security and the Residence or Non-Residence of Sunni Hadith Scholars in Rayy and Isfahan in the Third Century AH بررسی نسبت امنیت اجتماعی و اقتصادی با اقامت و عدم اقامت محدثان عامه در ری و اصفهان در قرن سوم ق 139 162 80433 10.22081/hiq.2023.66557.2328 FA عبدالرفیع رحیمی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران اشکان غلامی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران Journal Article 2026 03 31 Rayy and Isfahan, by virtue of various factors such as their geographical position, have always attracted the attention of actors in various domains, including the religious sphere. In this context, there exists a reciprocal relationship between the movement of Hadith scholars of the Sunni school and the question of the social-economic security of these two regions. The present study seeks to answer, through a descriptive-analytical method and a comparative approach, and relying on historical-geographical sources, the following question: What was the relationship between the attraction and repulsion of Hadith scholars and the social-economic security of Rayy and Isfahan? The findings of the research indicate that the various manifestations of Isfahan's economic life, such as commerce or agriculture, enjoyed greater prosperity. The result of this was the attraction of a larger number of Hadith scholars to Isfahan (as compared to Rayy). Regarding the factors repelling Hadith scholars, despite the high cost of goods in Isfahan, due to reasons such as severe political-military upheavals and the occurrence of natural disasters in Rayy, the security of that region was jeopardized, and a large number of Rayy's Hadith scholars migrated to other regions. In the early centuries, the importance and impact of political, religious, and economic developments prevailed over other aspects of human community life, particularly urban life and various social-religious strata. Under such conditions, the approach of local economic-religious history is highly instrumental in achieving a better and more precise understanding of the historical atmosphere of various regions of Iran. In accordance with this principle, in the early centuries, certain regions attracted the attention of centers of power due to their geo-strategic position as well as their natural endowments. In this context, Rayy and Isfahan, possessing such characteristics, were constantly embroiled in the vicissitudes of historical events. These developments exerted an influence on the social-economic security of these two regions and bore a reciprocal relationship with certain aspects of the urban life of these regions, such as the life of a particular group among the social-religious strata. The factors attracting Hadith scholars to Rayy and Isfahan bore a close relationship with the social-economic security of these two cities. These factors may be examined under sub-categories such as security measures in Isfahan, such as preventing the unauthorized entry of soldiers into people's homes, or the suppression of rebels, and tax reductions in Rayy by order of the Abbasid caliphs. Of course, due to factors such as the establishment of powerful rulers in Isfahan, such as the Banu Dulaf dynasty or Badr al-Hammami, as well as more severe political-military upheavals in the land of Rayy, the various manifestations of the economic life of this city, such as commerce or agriculture, enjoyed greater prosperity. The result of this was the attraction of a larger number of Hadith scholars to Isfahan as compared to Rayy. Regarding the factors repelling Hadith scholars, despite the high cost of goods in Isfahan—which was the offspring of factors such as severe political-military upheavals as well as the occurrence of destructive natural disasters in the land of Rayy—a larger number of Rayy's Hadith scholars, as compared to Isfahan, migrated to other regions. Concerning the role of the authors in the present article, it should be stated that the portion relating to the research and study of primary sources was carried out by Ashkan Gholami, under the supervision of Dr. Abd al-Rafi' Rahimi. ری و اصفهان از همان قرون اولیه مورد توجه کانون‌های قدرت قرار داشتند. پژوهش حاضر در صدد است که با روش توصفی ـ تحلیلی و رویکرد تطبیقی و با تکیه بر منابع تاریخی و جغرافیایی به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که رابطه بین اقامت محدثان عامه در ری و اصفهان و یا هجرت آنان از این دو شهر با امنیت اجتماعی و اقتصادی چه بوده است؟ یافته‌های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که در نتیجه رونق جلوه‌های مختلف حیات اقتصادی، همچون تجارت و کشاورزی، در اصفهان و با وجود گرانی کالا، تعداد بیشتری از محدثان در اصفهان در مقایسه با ری سکنی داشته‌اند. از سوی دیگر، تعداد زیادی از محدثان به دلایلی چون آشوب‌های سیاسی ـ نظامی، وقوع حوادث طبیعی در ری و به مخاطره افتادن امنیت آن، از اقامت در آن شهر چشم پوشیده و به دیگر نقاط هجرت کرده‌اند.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80433_14edfd9c824db06ac89a18d3c6fabbb1.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 Möngke Khan: The Ideal King in the Thought and Aspiration of Ata-Malik Juvayni منکوقاآن، شاه آرمانی در اندیشه و خواست عطاملک جوینی 163 196 80434 10.22081/hiq.2023.67020.2343 FA محمودرضا کوه‌کن استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه پیام‌نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 04 21 In the political thought of Iran-shahr (the Iranian world), the king, as the agent of Ahura Mazda, bore the responsibility of establishing order, justice, and the organization of society. Accordingly, a monarch who discharged his duty in a desirable manner became transformed into a "good king" or "ideal king," bringing about goodness, felicity, and prosperity. This intellectual apparatus spread from various foundations into the Islamic period as well, and although at certain junctures, such as the Mongol era, it encountered a serious challenge, it was each time recovered through the efforts of scholarly and political elites, who encouraged rulers to accept it. The Mongols, in the second decade of the seventh century AH, launched their devastating assault upon the territory of the Khwarazmshahs. Their attacks, accompanied by widespread destruction and massacres, led to the annihilation of the existing structures of society and eliminated order and stability. It appears that Juvayni's principal concern at this historical juncture was the restoration of order and the organization of society after the initial Mongol onslaught. In this research, employing a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library sources—with particular emphasis on the text of Tarikh-i Jahan-gushay—an attempt is made to answer the following question: In Juvayni's thought and aspiration, what was the way out of the existing disorder and chaos? Accordingly, the principal objective of the research is to examine and elucidate Juvayni's thought and aspiration regarding the employment of the foundations of Iran-shahr political thought for the improvement of the existing situation and its manifestation in the personality of Möngke Khan, the Mongol Khan. Juvayni, who was employed in the political and administrative apparatus of the Mongols, regarded the solution to the existing chaotic conditions as the emergence of an authoritative and competent sovereignty that would restore order to society. In accordance with Iran-shahr political thought, he regarded Möngke Khan as a possessor of divine charisma (farr) chosen by God to make the ruined world prosperous through justice and equity. Therefore, with the election of Möngke Khan at the great quriltai, he presents him as possessing the prerequisites and attributes of ideal kings in Iran-shahr political thought. He repeatedly refers to Möngke's supra-terrestrial station with words and expressions that render him akin to the kings of ancient Iran, and praises him as a charismatic and ideal king. In recounting Möngke Khan's accession to the Khanate throne, Juvayni states that he is God's chosen one, endowed with God-given wisdom and perfect intellect and judgment. Juvayni calls Möngke Khan a justice-dispensing monarch who spreads the justice of Anushirwan and re-establishes the rules of kingship and governance. He becomes so immersed in Möngke Khan's justice and equity that he considers him superior to Anushirwan and other kings. A noteworthy point is that Möngke Khan's justice is exercised within the framework of preserving the interests of groups and classes and in accordance with the principle of individual autonomy and competence (khwish-kari wa kardani), which is counted among the principles of Iran-shahr political thought. Möngke Khan's religious policies caused the atmosphere to become more open for Islam and the expansion of its influence. This very matter led Juvayni to regard Möngke Khan as a king supportive of the "Ahmadi shari'a" (the law of Muhammad) and to praise him with various epithets. In reality, Juvayni was pursuing his own aspiration and desire, which was none other than the existence of an authoritative and religion-supporting monarch. Ultimately, Juvayni's description of Möngke Khan's personality and period of rule is such that it places him in the ranks of the ideal charismatic kings—a monarch in whose light, through his competence, all the affairs of the world have been ordered, and even animals and inanimate beings have benefited therefrom. در اندیشه ایران‌شهری، شاه آرمانی، الگوی مطلوب فرمان‌روایی محسوب می‌شود. شاه آرمانی برگزیده اهورامزدا و نماینده اراده او بر روی زمین و حافظ نظم، سعادت و آبادانی به‌شمار می‌رفت. این انگاره در ایران دوره اسلامی نیز مورد توجه قرار گرفت و از همین‌رو، گاه برخی از نویسندگان به مقایسه فرمان‌روایان دوره اسلامی با شاهان آرمانی باستانی پرداختند. نگاه عطاملک جوینی (681 ق) به منگوقاآن (حکومت 649 ـ 658 ق) یکی از این نمونه‌هاست. در این پژوهش، با شیوه توصفی ـ تحلیل و به ‌استناد منابع کتاب‌خانه‌ای، کوشیده شده است به ‌این پرسش پاسخ داده شود که دلایل جوینی برای همسان‌سازی منگوقاآن با پادشاهان آرمانی ایران چه بوده است؟ یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که پس‌از آشوب‌های اولیه که یورش مغولان به‌وجود آورده بود، عطاملک جوینی برای اعاده نظم و امنیت در جامعه، خواهان برآمدن حاکمی مقتدر و توان‌مند بود تا بتواند آشفتگی‌های موجود را سامان بخشد. ازاین‌رو، با رسیدن منگوقاآن به تخت خانی، او را شایسته چنین جایگاهی شمرد و کارویژه‌های وی را با شاهان آرمانی تطبیق داد.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80434_0faba70536839940a1c0b820603207db.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 The Motivations and Consequences of the Belligerence of Safavid Shaykhs and Kings from the Era of Junayd to the Treaty of Peace at Zuhab (851-1049 AH) انگیزه‌ها و پیامدهای جنگ‌طلبی شیوخ و شاهان صفوی از عصر جنید تا عهدنامه صلح زهاب (581-1041ق) 197 230 80435 10.22081/hiq.2024.66243.2321 FA رضا صحت منش دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه جیرفت، جیرفت، ایران Journal Article 2026 03 26 The Safavid Order (tariqat), from the era of Shaykh Safi al-Din Ardabili (d. 730 AH) until the beginning of the period of Shaykh Junayd (r. ca. 831–864 AH), was founded upon the spiritual relationship between the shaykhs and their disciples. From the era of Shaykh Junayd onward, militancy and ghazi warfare supplanted Sufi asceticism, and the Safavid shaykhs, by placing the sword in the hands of their disciples and the Qizilbash, transformed the Safavid Order into a political party and brought it into the power equations of Iran. The present study seeks to elucidate the manifest and latent functions of Safavid militancy and belligerence, and endeavors to answer the question: on the basis of what motivations did the Safavid shaykhs and kings turn to belligerence and ghazi warfare? The data of this research have been gathered through consultation of primary sources from the Safavid era and examined by means of historical analysis method. The first Safavid battles with their rivals began in the era of Shaykh Junayd (d. 864 AH). Shah Isma'il Safavi (r. 907–930 AH) in numerous wars defeated Farrukh-Yasar Shirvanshah (906 AH), Alvand Beg Aq-Qoyunlu (907 AH), and subsequently Sultan Murad Aq-Qoyunlu at Hamadan. Shah Isma'il, armed with armor, sword, and lance, would present himself on the battlefield with forces considerably fewer than those of his rivals. This manner earned him sanctity, divine charisma (farr-i izadi), and inviolability among the Sufis and Qizilbash, transforming him into a god-like figure. Victory over the Uzbeks, as a powerful rival, confirmed and reinforced his legitimacy and prepared the ground for domestic and foreign political maneuvers. After overcoming the Uzbeks, he dispatched conquest letters (fath-namahs) to India, Syria, and Rum (Byzantine). In addition, he also sent conquest letters to domestic regions of Iran where the possibility of rebellion and unrest existed. Among these regions, mention may be made of Iraq, Fars, Azerbaijan, Kerman, Khuzistan, Baghdad, Diyarbakr, Shirvan, and Tabaristan. Nevertheless, the defeat at Chaldiran brought far-reaching consequences in its wake. Religious and political beliefs concerning the Shah were damaged, and his metaphysical image collapsed in the eyes of his followers. Furthermore, he withdrew from military and state affairs and spent most of his time in hunting, polo, amusement, and wine-drinking. The defeat at Chaldiran prepared the ground for the rise to power of the Qizilbash chiefs and the increase of their insubordination. Shah Tahmasp, in order to put an end to the disputes among the amirs and to curb their insubordination, first and foremost proved his capabilities in the Battle of Jam against the Uzbeks in 935 AH. Then, in 937 AH, he issued the order for the execution of Chuha Sultan and other Tekelu amirs, and in the years 939–940 AH, by issuing the order for the execution of Husayn Khan Shamlu, he put an end to Qizilbash domination. Since the defeat at the Battle of Chaldiran had inflicted great damage upon royal prestige, Shah Tahmasp, in order to remain immune from the consequences of a possible defeat, avoided direct confrontation with the Ottomans. Nevertheless, between the years 947 and 960 AH, he marched four times to the Caucasus in order to present himself as a conquering monarch and to reinforce the morale of the Qizilbash in the light of military victories. Shah Abbas came to power under conditions in which many provinces, including Fars, Kerman, Isfahan, Kashan, Ardabil, and Gilan, were gripped by the rebellions of khans and governors. At the outset, he issued orders for the execution of several amirs and then proceeded to establish order in the provinces and districts. His next step was war with the Uzbeks, who had occupied Mashhad, Nishapur, Isfarayin, Sabzavar, Mazinan, Jajarm, Shaqaq, and the surrounding regions, and had appointed governors for them. By defeating the Uzbeks, Shah Abbas consolidated Iran's sovereignty over Khurasan through war and nullified their claims. On the western front as well, in 1032 AH, he captured Baghdad and Iraq. He also marched to Huwayza and Luristan, and with the cooperation of the English, expelled the Portuguese from the Persian Gulf, and Jirun (Gombroon), Bahrain, Qeshm, and Hormuz were also returned to Iran's territory. The important victories over the Uzbeks and Ottomans consolidated the position and legitimacy of Shah Abbas. The Treaty of Peace at Zuhab with the Ottomans marks a turning point in Safavid history. Prior to the conclusion of this treaty, the most important enemy of the Safavids was the Ottoman state. The continuous wars of the Uzbeks and Ottomans with the Safavids had constantly kept Iranians in a state of readiness, strengthened their defensive capabilities, focused attention on borders, and led to the reform of the military structure. However, from the time of the conclusion of the Peace of Zuhab until the fall of Isfahan to the Afghans, no war occurred between the Safavids and the Ottomans. The Uzbeks likewise distanced themselves from the atmosphere of war and became embroiled in internal disputes. This situation led to a decline in the army's readiness, the abandonment of the borders, and laxity in guarding them. The prolonged peace with the Ottomans and the absence of war with the Uzbeks distanced the Safavid kings from the battlefield, drove the army into passivity, and removed the forces from the atmosphere of competition, which had served to strengthen their combat capability. صفویان، به عنوان طولانیترین سلسله ایران در دوره اسلامی (907ـ 1135ق)، از عصر شیخ جنید(ح. 831- 864 ق) تا عهدنامه صلح زهاب (1049ق)، درگیر جنگ‌های متعددی بودند. پژوهش حاضر با روش تحلیل تاریخی، در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که شیوخ و شاهان صفوی با چه انگیزه‌هایی به جنگطلبی و غازیگری روی آوردند؟ یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که افتخارآفرینی، نمایش توان فردی، کسب مشروعیت، و به نمایش گذاشتن قدرت و شکوه حکومت، مهم‌ترین نگیزه‌های شیوخ و شاهان صفوی برای جنگ با رقیبان بوده است. پادشاهان فاتح، معمولاً با اقبال عمومی روبه‌رو می‌شدند و بر همین اساس، در عصر شاهان جنگاور، بحران سیاسی یا اجتماعی مهمی پدید نیامد و حتی برخی بحران‌های پیشین نیز پایان یافت. در مقابل، در دوره‌هایی که حکومت از وجود شاهی جنگاور برخوردار نبود، دولت صفوی با چندین بحران و درگیری سیاسی داخلی مواجه شد که این امر به تضعیف، و گاه زوال، شخصیت مستقل و مشروعیت شاه انجامید.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80435_e5cb4540ecf84da515a1218aab0e59d0.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 The Political Organization of the Hammudid State and Its Role in Linking Their Political Power and Religious Identity تشکیلات سیاسی دولت حمودیان و نقش آن در پیوند قدرت سیاسی و هویت دینی آنان 231 264 80436 10.22081/hiq.2026.71311.2447 FA سید رضا هدایتی دانشجوی دکتری فلسفه تاریخ، دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع)،قم، ایران (پژوهشگر در جایگاه هیئت علمی، پژوهشگاه علوم و فرهنگ اسلامی، قم، ایران) حمید رضا مطهری دانشیار پژوهشکده تاریخ و سیره اهل بیت(ع)، پژوهشگاه علوم و فرهنگ اسلامی، قم، ایران Journal Article 2026 04 13 The Hammudid state of Andalusia (407–446 AH) emerged at one of the most sensitive junctures in the political history of the western Islamic world, simultaneously with the collapse of the Umayyad Caliphate of Cordoba. This government, relying on its Alid (ʿAlawī) lineage and taking advantage of the existing vacuum of political legitimacy, endeavored to present a new model of the caliphate in Andalusia while preserving territorial integrity. The present study, adopting an analytical approach and based on historical sources, examines the structure of the Hammudid political organization and its role in organizing power, conferring legitimacy, and giving direction to the cultural and religious developments of Andalusia. The examinations indicate that the Hammudids, in administering the government, were compelled to preserve a significant portion of the Umayyad bureaucratic heritage and institutions such as the caliphate, the ḥijāba (chamberlainship), the vizierate, the judiciary, and other administrative dīvāns, since these organizations constituted the only tested and efficient model for administering Andalusian society. Nevertheless, they did not merely replicate these structures; rather, relying on the symbolic capital of their attribution to the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) and their emphasis on Alid (ʿAlawī) identity, they endowed these institutions with a new function and utilized them to reconstruct political and social legitimacy. At the institutional level, the caliphate in the Hammudid state was the axis of political unity and the symbol of the nexus between power and religious legitimacy, and institutions such as the ḥijāba, the vizierate, and the shūrā (consultative council) alongside it played an important role in organizing executive affairs and maintaining the coherence of the government. In the judicial domain as well, although the Hammudids, due to the predominance of Maliki jurisprudence in Andalusia, were compelled to employ Maliki jurists in judicial positions and the administration of religious affairs, this necessity did not prevent them from adopting a different approach in the cultural and ideological sphere. By availing themselves of the capacities of literati, poets, and panegyrists, they prepared the ground for the introduction and promotion of the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) and the reflection of Alid ideas in the public sphere. One of the most important achievements of this policy was the creation of an atmosphere in which poems and literary works related to the praise of Amīr al-Mu'minīn ʿAlī (AS), the elegies of Imam Husayn (AS), and the extolling of the family of the Prophet (peace be upon him and his household) found greater opportunity for expression than before. Under conditions in which the political and religious atmosphere of Andalusia was dominated by official traditions and intellectual restrictions, this approach gradually created an aperture for the strengthening of Alid and Shi'i tendencies and the expression of the identity of the lovers of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), and gathered around the new government a portion of the cultural elite and the strata dissatisfied with the previous structure. From this perspective, the role of the Hammudids was not limited to political administration, but also became significant in the re-creation of the cultural and religious discourse of Andalusia. The findings of the research also indicate that the political organization of the Hammudids was founded upon a kind of synthesis between the administrative heritage of the past, Alid legitimacy, and military coalitions. This combination was able, during the short period of their rule, to provide the ground for the administration of the country and the redefinition of the concept of the caliphate, and to offer a different model of interaction among politics, religion, and culture. Although the turbulent conditions of Andalusia, political rivalries, and military conflicts prevented the complete consolidation of this experience, its cultural and identity-related effects persisted beyond the political lifespan of the government. In sum, the present study demonstrates that the importance of the Hammudid state should not be sought merely in the extent of its political durability; rather, the true value of this government lies in its effort to link the existing administrative structure with Alid identity, to create opportunities for the emergence and expansion of the discourse of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), and to open a new horizon in the intellectual and cultural life of Andalusia. Accordingly, the Hammudids may be regarded as an important link in the evolution of Andalusian political and religious thought and an influential experience in redefining the relationship among power, legitimacy, and culture in the history of the western Islamic world. این پژوهش به بررسی ساختار تشکیلات سیاسی دولت حمودیان اندلس (۴۰۷–۴۴۶ق) و نقش آن در سازمان‌دهی قدرت و بازتعریف مشروعیت سیاسی در عصر فروپاشی خلافت اموی می‌پردازد. حمودیان با وجود بهره‌گیری از بخشی از میراث اداری و دیوانی حکومت‌های پیشین، توانستند با تکیه بر انتساب علوی و هویت شیعی، الگویی متفاوت از حکمرانی را در فضای سیاسی و مذهبی اندلس عرضه کنند. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که نهادهایی چون خلافت، حجابت، وزارت، قضاوت و مشاورت نه تنها در اداره حکومت نقش داشتند، بلکه در خدمت تقویت مشروعیت و ایجاد پیوند میان قدرت سیاسی و هویت دینی قرار گرفتند. هرچند حمودیان به سبب سیطره فقه مالکی در اندلس ناگزیر بودند در مناصب قضایی و اداری از عالمان مالکی بهره گیرند، اما در عرصه فرهنگی و تبلیغی با حمایت از شاعران، ادیبان و مدیحه‌سرایان، زمینه گسترش گفتمان علوی و تقویت گرایش‌های شیعی را فراهم ساختند. این امر افق تازه‌ای در حیات فرهنگی اندلس گشود و برای بخشی از جامعه، به‌ویژه دوستداران اهل‌بیت(عهم) و ناراضیان از حکومت‌های پیشین، روزنه‌ای از امید و هویت‌بخشی ایجاد کرد. تجربه حمودیان نشان می‌دهد که تلفیق میراث اداری گذشته با بهره‌گیری از سرمایه نمادین اهل‌بیت(عهم) و سیاست‌های فرهنگی هدفمند، جایگاهی متمایز برای این دولت در تاریخ سیاسی و فرهنگی اندلس رقم زده است.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80436_19f6bd437f6f61c6195a7a9fdc09198e.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 09 21 A Study of Language and Gender in the Sermon of Shiqshiqiyya and the Sermon of Fadakiyya Based on Robin Lakoff's Theory مطالعه زبان و جنسیت در خطبۀ شقشقیه و خطبۀ فدکیه بر پایه نظریه رابین لیکاف 265 296 80437 10.22081/hiq.2025.71252.2444 FA علی غفرانی دانشیار گروه ایران شناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا همدان، همدان،ایران رضا محمدی پسا دکترای گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه اراک، اراک،ایران فاطمه روحی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد تاریخ ،دانشگاه اراک، اراک، ایران Journal Article 2026 03 24 This research, entitled "A Study of Language and Gender in the Sermon of Shiqshiqiyya and the Sermon of Fadakiyya with Reference to Robin Lakoff's Theory", seeks to answer the fundamental question of whether linguistic theories concerning gender, particularly Robin Lakoff's theory regarding the existence of distinct linguistic patterns between "women's speech" and "men's speech", can be generalized to the religious texts of the early Islamic community. Lakoff, in her book Language and Woman's Place (1975), argued that women, due to their subordinate position in power structures, employ a more cautious, more indirect, and more polite language, including the more precise use of color terms, the frequent use of intensifying adverbs, the avoidance of taboo words and vulgarity, and a tendency toward tag-question structures. Although this perspective has been influential in the linguistics of gender, it has always encountered criticism from scholars of non-Western cultures, because it was formed on the basis of data from modern liberal Western societies and does not possess sufficient cultural generalizability. In this research, the authors, aware of this limitation, undertake a comparative examination of two key sermons from the Ahl al-Bayt (AS): the Sermon of Fadakiyya, attributed to Hazrat Fatima al-Zahra (AS), and the Sermon of Shiqshiqiyya, which appears in Nahj al-Balagha and is attributed to Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (AS). These two sermons, in addition to their unparalleled historical importance in the political discourse of Islam, contain rich rhetorical styles and complex argumentative structures that make possible a precise linguistic analysis from the perspective of gender. The methodology of the research is a combination of discourse analysis and a descriptive-analytical approach, in which the linguistic indicators proposed by Lakoff—including the use of color terms, taboo words, intensifiers, empty adjectives, indirect structures, verbal hedges, and oaths—have been extracted and compared quantitatively and qualitatively in the two sermons. The textual sources have been analyzed on the basis of scholarly and authoritative editions. The findings of the research are challenging; contrary to the predictions of Lakoff's theory, no significant difference was observed between the linguistic patterns of the two sermons in these indicators. Color terms in both texts were very limited and largely symbolic. Taboo words and harsh expressions, contrary to Lakoff's hypothesis, are clearly observable in the Sermon of Fadakiyya and are even more pronounced in certain respects than in the Sermon of Shiqshiqiyya. Likewise, the frequency of oaths in the Sermon of Shiqshiqiyya is greater than in the Sermon of Fadakiyya. Furthermore, both sermons possess a high degree of direct, definitive, and protestatory argumentative structures and stand at a considerable distance from the cautious and indirect language that Lakoff attributes to women's speech. These findings indicate that the linguistic style in the discourse of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) was formed not on the basis of gender, but on the basis of the protestatory situation, religious legitimacy, and a shared worldview. The striking linguistic similarities between the two sermons, including the use of imperative verbs, threatening structures, and political metaphors, indicate a sharing in Ahl al-Bayt identity, common teachings, and the position of a rightful minority in the society after the demise of the Prophet (peace be upon him and his household). This linguistic convergence admits of several interpretations: first, it may indicate the influence of the rhetorical culture of Arab society, in which the Holy Qur'an was the principal model of eloquence for both sexes; second, it may be evidence that in the political and religious discourses of early Islam, gender roles were overshadowed by ethical and political roles; and third, it may reflect a value-oriented approach that was formed beyond gender, on the basis of principles such as justice and the pursuit of rights. The necessity of this research is threefold: (1) filling the research gap in Islamic rhetorical studies that have regarded gender as a secondary matter; (2) critically testing Western theories in non-Western contexts; (3) re-reading the discourse of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) through an interdisciplinary historical-linguistic lens. The principal contributions of this article include: (1) offering a new analysis of two key Islamic sermons with a focus on language and gender; (2) critiquing the concept of the generalizability of Lakoff's theory; (3) proposing an alternative model in which gender, as against religious-political identity, is considered a secondary factor in the formation of linguistic style. Finally, Ali Ghofrani was responsible for the overall design of the research, the statement of the problem, the theoretical critique, and the final editing of the article; Reza Mohammadi carried out the methodology sections, data extraction, and quantitative analysis of the linguistic indicators; and Fatemeh Rouhi undertook the qualitative analysis of the sermons, the examination of historical sources, and the composition of the sections relating to the historical-religious context of the texts. این پژوهش به بررسی زبان و جنسیت در خطبۀ شقشقیه و خطبۀ فدکیه با نگاهی به نظریۀ زبان‌شناسی جنسیت رابین لیکاف (Robin Tolmach Lakoff) می‌پردازد. نظریۀ لیکاف بر نقش زبان در بازنمایی تفاوت‌های جنسیتی و شیوه‌های قدرت‌بخشی یا محدودسازی افراد از طریق انتخاب واژگان و سبک بیان تمرکز دارد. در این مطالعه، با استفاده از روش تحلیل گفتمان و رویکرد توصیفی - تحلیلی، شیوۀ‌ بیان امام علی (ع) و حضرت فاطمه (سها) در این دو خطبه بررسی شده است. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که انتخاب واژگان، ساختار جمله‌بندی و نحوۀ انتقال پیام در این خطبه‌ها در راستای تثبیت نقش‌های اجتماعی و مذهبی جنسیتی عمل کرده و به صورت ضمنی بر روابط قدرت تأثیرگذار بوده است. بر اساس دیدگاه لیکاف، زنان با مردان به هنگام سخن گفتن یا نوشتن در استفاده از این موارد متفاوتند: استفاده دقیق از رنگ واژه‌ها، قالب‌های مؤدبانه، قیدهای تشدیدکننده، صفات تهی، گفتار غیرمستقیم، پرهیز از رکیک‌گویی و دشواژه‌ها و تأکید بر تشدیدکننده‌ها. مقایسۀ کاربرد رنگ‌ها، دشواژه‌ها، تشدیدگرها، صفات و تعدیل‌کننده‌ها در هر دو خطبه نشان می‌دهد که تفاوت معناداری بین آن‌ها وجود ندارد. حتی در بحث سوگندواژهها نیز میزان سوگندهای امام علی (ع) بیش از حضرت زهرا (سها) است. به‌همین دلیل، ناسازگاری نتایج حاصل از بررسی این دو خطبه با نظریۀ لیکاف، این نظریه را به چالش می‌کشد. تحلیل آماری هر یک از مشخصه‌ها نشان می‌دهد که شباهت زبانی بین خطبه‌های زنانه و مردانه می‌تواند حکایت‌گر تأثیرات فرهنگی، اجتماعی و تعلیمی متعددی باشد که در یک جامعۀ خاص به وجود آمده‌اند. نتایج این تحقیق، علاوه بر ارائۀ تحلیلی جامع از زبان جنسیتی در متون دینی، امکان توسعۀ مطالعات مرتبط با بازنمایی جنسیت در گفتمان‌های تاریخی و مذهبی را فراهم می‌آورد.

https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_80437_7725216c3796520c07c2a34ab9b7bf38.pdf

دانشگاه باقرالعلوم (ع) تاریخ اسلام 2008-6431 27 2 2026 08 23 Explanation of the Shia-Sufi discourse from the point of view of Seyyed Heydar Amoli تبیین گفتمان شیعی- صوفی از منظر سید حیدر آملی 80438 10.22081/hiq.2023.66742.2336 FA ملیحه عابدینی تبلیغ و ارتباطات، فرهنگ علوم اجتماعی و رفتاری، باقرالعلوم، قم، ایران 0009-0007-6933-5334 منیره ناصح ستوده تاریخ اسلام،تاریخ و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه باقرالعلوم، قم، فرشته کوشکی بنت الهدی Journal Article 2023 06 17 With the invasion of the Mongols on Iran, in addition to the political conditions, the religious relations also changed due to the realized conditions. In this arena, the atmosphere of the presence of three discourses of Shiism, Sunan and Sufism prevailed, and when faced with the conditions resulting from this invasion, each of them tried to read their thoughts before the foreign rulers.At this time, Sufism emerged as its equivalent discourse, Shiism and affinity with it after gaining hegemony in confrontation with Sunni discourse, in which Seyyed Haider Amoli in his valuable work "Jami al-Asrar and Source of Al-Anwar" at the beginning of this affinity He prepared and by drawing the prominent features of the "testing believer" next to the central sign of Wilayat and Shiite Imamate and equating it with the central sign of Sufism discourse, in attracting different classes of society, including Shiites and Sufis, under a single flag in the process of becoming hegemonic. The discourse in question tried that, meanwhile, a society full of discursive contradictions with alienation pushes other discourses to the sidelines. با هجوم مغولان بر ایران زمین ، علاوه بر شرایط سیاسی، مناسبات مذهبی نیز در برابرشرایط تحقق یافته دچار تغییر گردید. در این عرصه، فضای حضور سه گفتمان تشیع، تسنن و تصوف حاکم بود که در مواجهه با شرایط حاصل از این هجوم، هریک به بازخوانی اندیشه های خود نزد حاکمان بیگانه می‌پرداختند، در این اثنا، تصوف به مثابه گفتمان هم‌ارز خود، تشیع و قرابت با آن در پی کسب هژمونی در تقابل با گفتمان تسنن برآمد که در این میان سید حیدر آملی در اثر ارزشمند خویش «جامع الاسرار و منبع الانوار» در آغاز بستر این قرابت را مهیا نمود و با ترسیم شاخصه‌های اصل برجسته «مؤمن ممتحن» در کنار دال مرکزی ولایت و امامت تشیع و یکسان‌سازی آن با دال مرکزی گفتمان تصوف، در جذب طبقه‌های مختلف جامعه اعم از شیعی و صوفی ذیل پرچمی واحد در فرایند هژمونیک شدن گفتمان مورد نظر سعی نمود که در این اثنا، جامعه‌ای سرشار از ضدّیت‌های گفتمانی با غیریّت‌سازی، سایر گفتمان‌ها را به حاشیه می‌راند.