Baqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222Analysis of the Causes of the Development and Persistence of the Idea of Abu Talib's (A.S) Lack of Faith Throughout the History of IslamAnalysis of the Causes of the Development and Persistence of the Idea of Abu Talib's (A.S) Lack of Faith Throughout the History of Islam3477965810.22081/hiq.2023.65985.2310FAMohammad RezaZare KhormiziAssistant Professor, Department of Islamic History, Faculty of Islamic Studies, Al-Mustafa International University, Tehran, IranMohammad MahdiSabahi KashaniProfessor, Research and Publishing Institute of Hazrat Abu Talib (AS), Qom, Iran.Journal Article20230214Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Mutallib (A.S), the uncle and guardian of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) from childhood, is considered one of the most prominent figures in early Islamic history. In addition to his guardianship and emotional support for the Prophet (PBUH), he was his most crucial social, political, and security supporter in Mecca. Historical and biographical sources extensively record his decisive role in continuously supporting the Prophet (PBUH), both before and after his prophethood. However, from the early Islamic centuries, views emerged in some sources that denied Abu Talib's (A.S) faith and placed him among the polytheists. This approach, reflected in Hadith, Tafsir, historical, and literary narrations, gradually became a stable current in the intellectual heritage of a segment of the Islamic world. The central issue of this research is to analyze the arenas, types, and causes of the formation and persistence of this approach and to answer the fundamental question: Was the notion of Abu Talib's (A.S) lack of faith merely a narrative and doctrinal difference, or did it have deeper, especially political and social, roots? The significance of this discussion lies in the fact that Abu Talib's (A.S) faith or disbelief is not merely an individual or historical matter; rather, it is directly linked to the position of Imam Ali (A.S), the status of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), and the legitimacy of political currents after the Prophet's (PBUH) demise. Historical investigation reveals that the accusation of disbelief against Abu Talib (A.S) emerged within the context of power struggles, tribal rivalries, and ideological conflicts after the prophetic era. In opposition to this current, <br />the Imami Shiah and a group of fair Sunni scholars, relying on historical evidence, <br />poems attributed to Abu Talib (A.S), narrations from the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S), and the incompatibility of the 'disbelief' narrations with the teachings of the Holy Quran, have emphasized his faith, monotheism, and sincerity. Therefore, a critical re-examination of this issue can aid in understanding the roots of many theological and sectarian conflicts in Islamic history. This research has been conducted using the "Burhan al-Inni" (inferential proof) method; meaning, first, the manifestations and examples of enmity towards Abu Talib (A.S) in various sources are identified, and then their causal factors are analyzed. Data have been collected from Shiah and Sunni Hadith, Tafsir, historical, literary, and theological sources and examined through documental criticism, content analysis, and historical comparison. This approach allows for moving beyond uncritical judgments and reaching the true roots of this phenomenon. The findings indicate that enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) can be examined in two external and internal arenas. In the external arena, the polytheists of Quraysh and the Jewish current, due to Abu Taleb's (A.S) central role in protecting the Prophet's (PBUH) life and supporting the spread of Islam, harbored hostility towards him. This enmity manifested in the form of economic pressures, security threats, propaganda attacks, and attempts to assassinate the Prophet (PBUH), but Abu Taleb's (A.S) intelligent management and practical support prevented the realization of their goals. Within the Islamic world, enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) was mainly pursued by the Navasib, Kharijites, Umayyads, and later the Abbasids, and in later periods, by Salafi-Takfiri currents. This approach, rather than being rooted in pure doctrinal differences, was a reflection of political conflict with Imam Ali (A.S) and his family. The fabrication and propagation of disparaging narrations, the distortion of the occasions for revelation of verses, and the concealment of poems indicating Abu Taleb's (A.S) faith, all demonstrate the political and biased nature of this current. To sum up, enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) is a multi-layered phenomenon with preparatory, central, and motivational causes, deeply rooted in the political and sectarian developments of Islamic history, and ultimately represents a radius of animosity towards Imam Ali (A.S) and the Ahl al-Bayt.Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Mutallib (A.S), the uncle and guardian of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) from childhood, is considered one of the most prominent figures in early Islamic history. In addition to his guardianship and emotional support for the Prophet (PBUH), he was his most crucial social, political, and security supporter in Mecca. Historical and biographical sources extensively record his decisive role in continuously supporting the Prophet (PBUH), both before and after his prophethood. However, from the early Islamic centuries, views emerged in some sources that denied Abu Talib's (A.S) faith and placed him among the polytheists. This approach, reflected in Hadith, Tafsir, historical, and literary narrations, gradually became a stable current in the intellectual heritage of a segment of the Islamic world. The central issue of this research is to analyze the arenas, types, and causes of the formation and persistence of this approach and to answer the fundamental question: Was the notion of Abu Talib's (A.S) lack of faith merely a narrative and doctrinal difference, or did it have deeper, especially political and social, roots? The significance of this discussion lies in the fact that Abu Talib's (A.S) faith or disbelief is not merely an individual or historical matter; rather, it is directly linked to the position of Imam Ali (A.S), the status of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), and the legitimacy of political currents after the Prophet's (PBUH) demise. Historical investigation reveals that the accusation of disbelief against Abu Talib (A.S) emerged within the context of power struggles, tribal rivalries, and ideological conflicts after the prophetic era. In opposition to this current, <br />the Imami Shiah and a group of fair Sunni scholars, relying on historical evidence, <br />poems attributed to Abu Talib (A.S), narrations from the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S), and the incompatibility of the 'disbelief' narrations with the teachings of the Holy Quran, have emphasized his faith, monotheism, and sincerity. Therefore, a critical re-examination of this issue can aid in understanding the roots of many theological and sectarian conflicts in Islamic history. This research has been conducted using the "Burhan al-Inni" (inferential proof) method; meaning, first, the manifestations and examples of enmity towards Abu Talib (A.S) in various sources are identified, and then their causal factors are analyzed. Data have been collected from Shiah and Sunni Hadith, Tafsir, historical, literary, and theological sources and examined through documental criticism, content analysis, and historical comparison. This approach allows for moving beyond uncritical judgments and reaching the true roots of this phenomenon. The findings indicate that enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) can be examined in two external and internal arenas. In the external arena, the polytheists of Quraysh and the Jewish current, due to Abu Taleb's (A.S) central role in protecting the Prophet's (PBUH) life and supporting the spread of Islam, harbored hostility towards him. This enmity manifested in the form of economic pressures, security threats, propaganda attacks, and attempts to assassinate the Prophet (PBUH), but Abu Taleb's (A.S) intelligent management and practical support prevented the realization of their goals. Within the Islamic world, enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) was mainly pursued by the Navasib, Kharijites, Umayyads, and later the Abbasids, and in later periods, by Salafi-Takfiri currents. This approach, rather than being rooted in pure doctrinal differences, was a reflection of political conflict with Imam Ali (A.S) and his family. The fabrication and propagation of disparaging narrations, the distortion of the occasions for revelation of verses, and the concealment of poems indicating Abu Taleb's (A.S) faith, all demonstrate the political and biased nature of this current. To sum up, enmity towards Abu Taleb (A.S) is a multi-layered phenomenon with preparatory, central, and motivational causes, deeply rooted in the political and sectarian developments of Islamic history, and ultimately represents a radius of animosity towards Imam Ali (A.S) and the Ahl al-Bayt.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79658_43c474925f58954d5ebde29fb9976025.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Role of Historical Events in the Era of
the Three Caliphs in Culturally Paving the Way for the Emergence and Acceptance of the Idea of
"Al-Haqq leman Ghalab"The Role of Historical Events in the Era of
the Three Caliphs in Culturally Paving the Way for the Emergence and Acceptance of the Idea of
"Al-Haqq leman Ghalab"56357970410.22081/hiq.2023.62908.2234FASayed Mohamad MahdiMusavi NejadPh.D. Student, Faculty of History and Islamic Culture and Civilization, University of Islamic Sciences, Qom, IranAmirMohsenErfanAssistant Professor, University of Islamic Sciences, Qom, Iran.Journal Article20220107The viewpoint of "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab” emerged during the Umayyad era and legitimized the Muslim governance system for an extended period. Historical research has largely overlooked the cultural factors contributing to the development and prevalence of this concept. Culture is a continuous and dynamic entity; the preceding culture and the accumulation of imported cultures within a society shape its subsequent cultural landscape. It is certain that this ideology has pre-existing cultural foundations. The aim of this research is to investigate the susceptible cultural factors for the emergence of "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" the "right belongs to the victor" ideology in the era of the first three Caliphs. This study seeks to answer the question on what cultural foundations the historical events of <br />this era provided the acceptance of the "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" notion. This article is a historical research employing an analytical history approach. Due to the connection between the early Islamic period and theological issues, as well as the role of theology and values in the ideology of "right belongs to the victor," this research has utilized theological and social psychology perspectives. The study is predicated on the assumption that a weak belief in divine legislative guidance, coupled with the dominance of material values in society, forms the cultural core of this ideology. In this sense, the ideology posits that God approves of those with material superiority and deems their political power and governance legitimate. This thought suggests that God offers no guidance regarding politics and governance, leaving it to those with material superiority. Furthermore, this premise implies that a weak heartfelt belief or a weak hope in divine legislative guidance within society removes an infinite anchor for hearts, leading individuals to despair in fulfilling their extensive spiritual and material needs and focusing only on their limited desires. Consequently, material values, which are inherently limited, gain dominance. The results indicate that the weak belief in the despair of divine legislative guidance, along with the prevalence of material values as the cultural core of the "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" ideology, were fostered by a series of cultural grounds shaped by the certain historical events of the era of the first three Caliphs. These grounds are divided into two categories: foundational factors and accelerating factors. The foundational factors, which laid the groundwork for the cultural core of the "right belongs to the victor" ideology, include a lack of belief in the religious authority in the political governance and the centrality of material values in political superiority. However, the accelerating factors, which sped up the production of the cultural core of this ideology and finalized its construction, include the weakening of religious zeal and the onset of sectarianism. The foundational factors, by separating governance from the source of divine legislative guidance and prioritizing material values, provided the necessary ground for the cultural acceptance of the "right belongs to the victor" ideology. The accelerating factors, however, deprived Muslims of the motivation to adhere to divine legislative guidance and led to forgetting the importance of belief in this guidance.The viewpoint of "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab” emerged during the Umayyad era and legitimized the Muslim governance system for an extended period. Historical research has largely overlooked the cultural factors contributing to the development and prevalence of this concept. Culture is a continuous and dynamic entity; the preceding culture and the accumulation of imported cultures within a society shape its subsequent cultural landscape. It is certain that this ideology has pre-existing cultural foundations. The aim of this research is to investigate the susceptible cultural factors for the emergence of "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" the "right belongs to the victor" ideology in the era of the first three Caliphs. This study seeks to answer the question on what cultural foundations the historical events of <br />this era provided the acceptance of the "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" notion. This article is a historical research employing an analytical history approach. Due to the connection between the early Islamic period and theological issues, as well as the role of theology and values in the ideology of "right belongs to the victor," this research has utilized theological and social psychology perspectives. The study is predicated on the assumption that a weak belief in divine legislative guidance, coupled with the dominance of material values in society, forms the cultural core of this ideology. In this sense, the ideology posits that God approves of those with material superiority and deems their political power and governance legitimate. This thought suggests that God offers no guidance regarding politics and governance, leaving it to those with material superiority. Furthermore, this premise implies that a weak heartfelt belief or a weak hope in divine legislative guidance within society removes an infinite anchor for hearts, leading individuals to despair in fulfilling their extensive spiritual and material needs and focusing only on their limited desires. Consequently, material values, which are inherently limited, gain dominance. The results indicate that the weak belief in the despair of divine legislative guidance, along with the prevalence of material values as the cultural core of the "Al-Haqq leman Ghalab" ideology, were fostered by a series of cultural grounds shaped by the certain historical events of the era of the first three Caliphs. These grounds are divided into two categories: foundational factors and accelerating factors. The foundational factors, which laid the groundwork for the cultural core of the "right belongs to the victor" ideology, include a lack of belief in the religious authority in the political governance and the centrality of material values in political superiority. However, the accelerating factors, which sped up the production of the cultural core of this ideology and finalized its construction, include the weakening of religious zeal and the onset of sectarianism. The foundational factors, by separating governance from the source of divine legislative guidance and prioritizing material values, provided the necessary ground for the cultural acceptance of the "right belongs to the victor" ideology. The accelerating factors, however, deprived Muslims of the motivation to adhere to divine legislative guidance and led to forgetting the importance of belief in this guidance.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79704_5218684fe5ce5f5d78915b66b707f720.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222Algorithmic Bias in Shiite History Data Analysis: A Case StudyAlgorithmic Bias in Shiite History Data Analysis: A Case Study78577966110.22081/hiq.2025.72018.2457FAAliEzzatiPh.D., Department of Shi'a History, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranAkbarBagheriAssistant Professor, Department of Shi'a History, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, Iran.MahdiEsmaeiliAssociate Professor, Department of Artificial Intelligence, Kas.C., Islamic Azad University, Kashan, Iran.HamedGheratiAssistant Professor, Department of Shi'a Studies, Baqir al-Olum (AS) University, Qom, Iran.Journal Article20250722Abstract<br /><br />The history of Shia Islam, as one of the richest and most complex fields of historical studies, possesses unique characteristics that necessitate a multidisciplinary and specialized approach to its analysis. These characteristics encompass theological, cultural, political, and social dimensions, which have evolved over centuries and are reflected in Shia texts, narratives, and traditions. As an independent subject within religious and cultural studies, distinct from just a branch of Islamic history, the history of Shia Islam requires a profound and specific understanding of cultural and social contexts and developments.<br /><br /><br /><br />In recent years, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a novel tool for analyzing historical data, offering the ability to process vast amounts of information and identify hidden patterns. This technology allows researchers to analyze data with greater speed and accuracy, facilitating the discovery of historical trends and connections. However, the application of AI in the field of Shia history comes with several challenges that must be carefully examined.<br /><br /><br /><br />One of the most significant challenges is algorithmic bias, which can lead to inaccurate and skewed interpretations of historical events and figures. Algorithmic bias occurs when algorithms, due to the use of incomplete, unreliable, or biased data, produce results that do not align with historical reality. This issue is particularly critical in the context of Shia history, as the data and texts in this field have unique characteristics that require deep and specialized understanding.<br /><br /><br /><br />This research aims to identify algorithmic biases in the analysis of historical data related to Shia Islam and to provide practical solutions for mitigating these biases. The main objective is to present a model for historical analyses of Shia Islam produced by AI, in which biases are identified and reduced. To this end, the research examines various AI models and their impact on historical analyses, identifying the specific challenges that exist in this area.<br /><br /><br /><br />The findings of the research indicate that designing an interdisciplinary framework—including the use of reliable Shia data, localization of algorithms, and active participation of history experts—can help reduce biases and increase the accuracy of analyses. This framework may include training researchers on cognitive biases, forming multidisciplinary research teams, and using more advanced machine learning techniques.<br /><br /><br /><br />In this regard, researchers seek a deeper understanding of the historical and cultural infrastructures of Shia history to achieve more accurate analyses using AI. In particular, this research emphasizes that maintaining and emphasizing the importance of human interpretation in historical analyses is essential, as human interpretation can aid in a deeper understanding of historical complexities and prevent the semantic distortion of data.<br /><br /><br /><br />Furthermore, the results of this research can contribute to enhancing the quality of historical research and preventing the semantic distortion of data. Researchers can achieve more accurate historical analyses by following the frameworks presented in this research, resulting in a better understanding of the history of Shia Islam and its developments.<br /><br /><br /><br />Overall, this research can serve as a useful guide for researchers and scholars of Shia history, helping them to achieve deeper and more accurate analyses by utilizing AI and novel techniques. This not only enriches the historical and cultural narrative of Shia history and aids in a better and deeper understanding of this history but can also serve as a model for other historical fields.Abstract<br /><br />The history of Shia Islam, as one of the richest and most complex fields of historical studies, possesses unique characteristics that necessitate a multidisciplinary and specialized approach to its analysis. These characteristics encompass theological, cultural, political, and social dimensions, which have evolved over centuries and are reflected in Shia texts, narratives, and traditions. As an independent subject within religious and cultural studies, distinct from just a branch of Islamic history, the history of Shia Islam requires a profound and specific understanding of cultural and social contexts and developments.<br /><br /><br /><br />In recent years, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a novel tool for analyzing historical data, offering the ability to process vast amounts of information and identify hidden patterns. This technology allows researchers to analyze data with greater speed and accuracy, facilitating the discovery of historical trends and connections. However, the application of AI in the field of Shia history comes with several challenges that must be carefully examined.<br /><br /><br /><br />One of the most significant challenges is algorithmic bias, which can lead to inaccurate and skewed interpretations of historical events and figures. Algorithmic bias occurs when algorithms, due to the use of incomplete, unreliable, or biased data, produce results that do not align with historical reality. This issue is particularly critical in the context of Shia history, as the data and texts in this field have unique characteristics that require deep and specialized understanding.<br /><br /><br /><br />This research aims to identify algorithmic biases in the analysis of historical data related to Shia Islam and to provide practical solutions for mitigating these biases. The main objective is to present a model for historical analyses of Shia Islam produced by AI, in which biases are identified and reduced. To this end, the research examines various AI models and their impact on historical analyses, identifying the specific challenges that exist in this area.<br /><br /><br /><br />The findings of the research indicate that designing an interdisciplinary framework—including the use of reliable Shia data, localization of algorithms, and active participation of history experts—can help reduce biases and increase the accuracy of analyses. This framework may include training researchers on cognitive biases, forming multidisciplinary research teams, and using more advanced machine learning techniques.<br /><br /><br /><br />In this regard, researchers seek a deeper understanding of the historical and cultural infrastructures of Shia history to achieve more accurate analyses using AI. In particular, this research emphasizes that maintaining and emphasizing the importance of human interpretation in historical analyses is essential, as human interpretation can aid in a deeper understanding of historical complexities and prevent the semantic distortion of data.<br /><br /><br /><br />Furthermore, the results of this research can contribute to enhancing the quality of historical research and preventing the semantic distortion of data. Researchers can achieve more accurate historical analyses by following the frameworks presented in this research, resulting in a better understanding of the history of Shia Islam and its developments.<br /><br /><br /><br />Overall, this research can serve as a useful guide for researchers and scholars of Shia history, helping them to achieve deeper and more accurate analyses by utilizing AI and novel techniques. This not only enriches the historical and cultural narrative of Shia history and aids in a better and deeper understanding of this history but can also serve as a model for other historical fields.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79661_7a03d8dd0b3c208d470ad9304c75f014.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Role of Economic Reforms of Al-Hadi
Ela'l-Haqq (284-298 A.H) in Strengthening Zaidi Government in YemenThe Role of Economic Reforms of Al-Hadi
Ela'l-Haqq (284-298 A.H) in Strengthening Zaidi Government in Yemen98797970510.22081/hiq.2023.65061.2290FAMohammadTaghiSazandegiAssistant Professor, Department of Islamic Culture and Civilization History, Dar al-Hikma Higher Education Institute, Qom, IranJournal Article20221015This research, focusing on the policies and economic reforms of the Zaidi Imam, <br />Al-Hadi ela'l-Haqq Yahya bin Hussein (reigned 284–298 A.H), seeks to explain the role of his financial, administrative, and oversight mechanisms in consolidating and strengthening the nascent Zaidi state in Yemen. This study aims to demonstrate how Al-Hadi's economic actions, beyond mere livelihood measures, became fundamental tools for establishing political legitimacy, stabilizing social security, and expanding religious influence. In the literature on Zaidi history, political and military dimensions have often been the focus, with systematic analysis of economic reforms being less prevalent as an independent subject. Therefore, the primary goal of this research is to fill this scholarly gap. The central issue of the research is: within the context of the structural crises of the second half of the 3rd century A.H – including famine, drought, insecurity of roads, and financial pressures from Abbasid officials – from what sources and policies Al-Hadi drew to organize the economy, and how these policies led to the strengthening of the Zaidi state's foundations. The fundamental question is how the relationship between economic reforms, political legitimacy, and social stability can be analyzed through the experience of Al-Hadi's governance. This research has been conducted with a descriptive-analytical approach based on ancient library sources. Historical data have been extracted from works such as "Sirat Al-Hadi ela'l-Haqq," "Sifat Jazirat al-Arab," and geographical texts like the works of <br />Al-Istakhri and Al-Maqdesi, and then Al-Hadi's economic-administrative mechanisms <br />have been interpreted through conceptual analysis. The analytical method is based on the connection between historical data and theories of state-building in pre-modern societies. The findings indicate that Al-Hadi's first step was to establish security as the infrastructure for any economic reform. The establishment of peace among warring tribes and the suppression of rebellions enabled the reconstruction of the production and trade cycle. In
the next step, the appointment of committed officials and their oath-taking consolidated the tax system based on Sharia rulings. The precise regulation for the amount of alms tax, the distinction between tax sources, and the prohibition of officials' overreach, all indicated the financial-administrative rationality of Al-Hadi's state. Another significant finding is the organization of the capitation or poll-tax policy. While Al-Hadi stabilized revenue sources from the People of the Book (Ahl al-Dhimma), he implemented supportive approaches and targeted exemptions during livelihood crises, demonstrating the link between social justice and economic considerations. In the market domain, the Imam's direct oversight of prices, combating hoarding, and controlling measurement tools, reflected attention to economic stability and consumer protection. Furthermore, the results show that allocating a portion of Zakat and fifth of money to the poor and needy led to the creation of social capital and strengthened religious-political cohesion. This policy not only had ethical dimensions but also reduced social discontent and increased tribal loyalty. Al-Hadi's economic reforms were multi-dimensional: on one hand, they were a means of providing financial resources for the state and the army; on the other hand, they were a mechanism for producing political legitimacy. In this governance experience, the economy was not merely a financial sector but was considered a domain for reconstructing social order and consolidating religious authority. The reciprocal relationship between security and economy formed the fundamental axis of Al-Hadi's policies, such that political security facilitated economic prosperity, and economic stability reinforced political legitimacy. However, structural limitations, such as persistent drought, destruction of mines, and tribal rebellions, challenged the complete sustainability of the economic system. The reduced capacity for tax payment placed additional pressure on the state treasury, demonstrating that even economic systems based on Sharia justice are vulnerable to environmental crises. In conclusion, Al-Hadi's economic reforms can be considered a prominent example of the <br />link between economy, Sharia, and state-building in Islamic history. His financial, administrative, and oversight policies, while creating relative economic order, led to the consolidation of political authority and the expansion of religious influence. Al-Hadi's experience shows that in pre-modern states, the economy had a role beyond providing livelihood, becoming a strategic tool for legitimacy, security, and social cohesion. The relative success of the Zaidi state in its establishment phase was largely due to Al-Hadi's economic rationality and justice-oriented approach.This research, focusing on the policies and economic reforms of the Zaidi Imam, <br />Al-Hadi ela'l-Haqq Yahya bin Hussein (reigned 284–298 A.H), seeks to explain the role of his financial, administrative, and oversight mechanisms in consolidating and strengthening the nascent Zaidi state in Yemen. This study aims to demonstrate how Al-Hadi's economic actions, beyond mere livelihood measures, became fundamental tools for establishing political legitimacy, stabilizing social security, and expanding religious influence. In the literature on Zaidi history, political and military dimensions have often been the focus, with systematic analysis of economic reforms being less prevalent as an independent subject. Therefore, the primary goal of this research is to fill this scholarly gap. The central issue of the research is: within the context of the structural crises of the second half of the 3rd century A.H – including famine, drought, insecurity of roads, and financial pressures from Abbasid officials – from what sources and policies Al-Hadi drew to organize the economy, and how these policies led to the strengthening of the Zaidi state's foundations. The fundamental question is how the relationship between economic reforms, political legitimacy, and social stability can be analyzed through the experience of Al-Hadi's governance. This research has been conducted with a descriptive-analytical approach based on ancient library sources. Historical data have been extracted from works such as "Sirat Al-Hadi ela'l-Haqq," "Sifat Jazirat al-Arab," and geographical texts like the works of <br />Al-Istakhri and Al-Maqdesi, and then Al-Hadi's economic-administrative mechanisms <br />have been interpreted through conceptual analysis. The analytical method is based on the connection between historical data and theories of state-building in pre-modern societies. The findings indicate that Al-Hadi's first step was to establish security as the infrastructure for any economic reform. The establishment of peace among warring tribes and the suppression of rebellions enabled the reconstruction of the production and trade cycle. In
the next step, the appointment of committed officials and their oath-taking consolidated the tax system based on Sharia rulings. The precise regulation for the amount of alms tax, the distinction between tax sources, and the prohibition of officials' overreach, all indicated the financial-administrative rationality of Al-Hadi's state. Another significant finding is the organization of the capitation or poll-tax policy. While Al-Hadi stabilized revenue sources from the People of the Book (Ahl al-Dhimma), he implemented supportive approaches and targeted exemptions during livelihood crises, demonstrating the link between social justice and economic considerations. In the market domain, the Imam's direct oversight of prices, combating hoarding, and controlling measurement tools, reflected attention to economic stability and consumer protection. Furthermore, the results show that allocating a portion of Zakat and fifth of money to the poor and needy led to the creation of social capital and strengthened religious-political cohesion. This policy not only had ethical dimensions but also reduced social discontent and increased tribal loyalty. Al-Hadi's economic reforms were multi-dimensional: on one hand, they were a means of providing financial resources for the state and the army; on the other hand, they were a mechanism for producing political legitimacy. In this governance experience, the economy was not merely a financial sector but was considered a domain for reconstructing social order and consolidating religious authority. The reciprocal relationship between security and economy formed the fundamental axis of Al-Hadi's policies, such that political security facilitated economic prosperity, and economic stability reinforced political legitimacy. However, structural limitations, such as persistent drought, destruction of mines, and tribal rebellions, challenged the complete sustainability of the economic system. The reduced capacity for tax payment placed additional pressure on the state treasury, demonstrating that even economic systems based on Sharia justice are vulnerable to environmental crises. In conclusion, Al-Hadi's economic reforms can be considered a prominent example of the <br />link between economy, Sharia, and state-building in Islamic history. His financial, administrative, and oversight policies, while creating relative economic order, led to the consolidation of political authority and the expansion of religious influence. Al-Hadi's experience shows that in pre-modern states, the economy had a role beyond providing livelihood, becoming a strategic tool for legitimacy, security, and social cohesion. The relative success of the Zaidi state in its establishment phase was largely due to Al-Hadi's economic rationality and justice-oriented approach.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79705_9b9452e1f677338118b844bc847e9281.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222Factors for the Expansion of Iran-China Relations during the Ilkhanid PeriodFactors for the Expansion of Iran-China Relations during the Ilkhanid Period120997782310.22081/hiq.2025.70402.2428FAHosseinGhasemiPh.D. Student, Department of History and Islamic Civilizations, Tak.C., Islamic Azad University, Takestan, IranBoshraDelrishDepartment of Islamic History and Civilizations, Tak.C., Islamic Azad University, Takestan, IranMostafaNaseri RadAssistant Professor, Department of Islamic History and Civilizations, Tak.C., Islamic Azad University, Takestan, IranNasrollahPourmohammadi AmalshiAssociate Professor, Department of History, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran.Journal Article20241202The historical relations between Iran and China, influenced by political, economic, and cultural factors, were shaped by the trade and the exchange of knowledge and culture, playing a significant role in the international interactions throughout various centuries. The Silk Road, as the main axis of exchange, provided a platform for the transfer of goods, religion, and culture between East and West, paving the way for extensive communication between the two civilizations. With the advent and propagation of Islam in Central Asia, Iran-China relations entered a new phase, and new dimensions of cultural and political interactions emerged between the two countries. The Mongol invasions in the 7<sup>th</sup> century A.H and the establishment of the Ilkhanid government in Iran and the Yuan Dynasty in China marked a turning point in the relations between the two countries, strengthening political and economic ties and elevating the relationship to an unprecedented level. During this period, commercial and cultural interactions reached their peak; Islam spread in East Asia, and Buddhism found its way to the West. The Persian language and literature developed in the East, and the Sino-Mongol culture became prevalent among Muslims. In this context, the main question of the current research is what factors laid the groundwork for the expansion of Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period, and how these relations led to extensive interaction between the two civilizations. The aim of this research is to identify the factors influencing these relations, examine their political, economic, and cultural consequences, and analyze the role of the Silk Road in the transfer of culture and
religion between East and West. The necessity of this research stems from the fact <br />that studying Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period is not only important for understanding the history of the two countries but also essential for a better comprehension of civilizational interactions on a global scale. This study can shed light on Iran's role in global communication networks and China's position in cultural and economic interactions, and also allow for comparison with contemporary relations and the utilization of historical experiences. The research methodology is based on a descriptive-analytical approach, and data have been collected through the study of reputable library sources and analyzed using historical and comparative analysis methods to present a clear picture of Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period. The findings of the research indicate that Iran-China relations significantly developed during the Ilkhanid period, encompassing various political, economic, and cultural dimensions. However, these relations did not endure due to the political transformations and changes in the structure of governments, eventually being limited to economic exchanges. Analyzing historical documents, the present research provides a deeper understanding of the trend of these relations and shows that Iran-China interactions during this period were a model of civilizational communication between East and West.The historical relations between Iran and China, influenced by political, economic, and cultural factors, were shaped by the trade and the exchange of knowledge and culture, playing a significant role in the international interactions throughout various centuries. The Silk Road, as the main axis of exchange, provided a platform for the transfer of goods, religion, and culture between East and West, paving the way for extensive communication between the two civilizations. With the advent and propagation of Islam in Central Asia, Iran-China relations entered a new phase, and new dimensions of cultural and political interactions emerged between the two countries. The Mongol invasions in the 7<sup>th</sup> century A.H and the establishment of the Ilkhanid government in Iran and the Yuan Dynasty in China marked a turning point in the relations between the two countries, strengthening political and economic ties and elevating the relationship to an unprecedented level. During this period, commercial and cultural interactions reached their peak; Islam spread in East Asia, and Buddhism found its way to the West. The Persian language and literature developed in the East, and the Sino-Mongol culture became prevalent among Muslims. In this context, the main question of the current research is what factors laid the groundwork for the expansion of Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period, and how these relations led to extensive interaction between the two civilizations. The aim of this research is to identify the factors influencing these relations, examine their political, economic, and cultural consequences, and analyze the role of the Silk Road in the transfer of culture and
religion between East and West. The necessity of this research stems from the fact <br />that studying Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period is not only important for understanding the history of the two countries but also essential for a better comprehension of civilizational interactions on a global scale. This study can shed light on Iran's role in global communication networks and China's position in cultural and economic interactions, and also allow for comparison with contemporary relations and the utilization of historical experiences. The research methodology is based on a descriptive-analytical approach, and data have been collected through the study of reputable library sources and analyzed using historical and comparative analysis methods to present a clear picture of Iran-China relations during the Ilkhanid period. The findings of the research indicate that Iran-China relations significantly developed during the Ilkhanid period, encompassing various political, economic, and cultural dimensions. However, these relations did not endure due to the political transformations and changes in the structure of governments, eventually being limited to economic exchanges. Analyzing historical documents, the present research provides a deeper understanding of the trend of these relations and shows that Iran-China interactions during this period were a model of civilizational communication between East and West.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_77823_3eac8ba13bef839cd3c5361926bbdc2d.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Role of Religious Beliefs in the Historical Reporting (Case Study: The Report of Oljeitu's Inclination Towards Shiism in Persian Historical Sources)The Role of Religious Beliefs in the Historical Reporting (Case Study: The Report of Oljeitu's Inclination Towards Shiism in Persian Historical Sources)1461217970210.22081/hiq.2022.64214.2269FAMohammd HosseinAfrakhtehPh.D. Student, Department of Islamic History, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranHosseinMohseniPh.D. Student, Department of Islamic History, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran0009-0005-1675-9796NajmehSalehiPh.D. Student, Department of Islamic History, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, IranJournal Article20220616Following the Mongol invasion of Iran, the most significant cultural change among the rulers of this government was their conversion from Mongolian Shamanism to Islam. Ahmad Teküdar was the first ruler who converted to Islam in this state, and after him, Ghazan Khan declared Islam as the official religion of the government. Meanwhile, <br />the conversion of Ghazan Khan and Oljeitu from Sunnism to Shiism and its official recognition was also an influential event that had numerous cultural, social, and political consequences. After inclining towards Shiism, Oljeitu made great efforts to spread this sect in society and implement certain specific religious decrees associated with it. He altered the khutbah (sermon) and coinage; in the khutbah, he recited blessings upon the Twelve Imams. He minted coins with the slogan "Ali is the Wali or friend of God" and blessings upon the Twelve Imams. He constructed numerous Shiah structures, many of them were inscribed with Shiah slogans. Oljeitu's conversion from Sunnism to Shiism had significant social and cultural impacts on Iranian society, which in fact served as an important historical precursor to the spread of Shiism in Iran and the comprehensive inclination of the people residing in Iran towards Shiism, ultimately leading to the formation of the Safavid state with the official declaration of Shiah Islam in Iran. The conversion of Oljeitu and his subsequent actions have been reported in various ways in the works of Persian-speaking historians. The method of this article is based on text analysis and comparison of different texts, and it seeks to answer the question on how the motivations and beliefs of historians, or the prevailing religious atmosphere, influenced the reporting of these events. The primary concern of ancient historians was to record the king's actions, but the question here is how the historians reported this event. The objective of the present research is to highlight the fact that the historians, influenced by their religious beliefs, reported historical events; and sometimes they completely reported them, sometimes briefly, and sometimes they did not mention the incident at all. The manifestation of the influence of religious beliefs can also be observed in the reporting of Oljeitu's inclination towards Shiism. The findings indicate that the religious inclinations of historians had a direct impact on the manner of their reports. Some historians provided detailed accounts. This method is observed in the two books, "The History of Oljeitu" (written by Abdullah bin Muhammad Qaasaani) and "The Addendum to the Jami' al-Tawarikh-i Rashidi" (written by Hafiz Abru). However, these two are also under the influence of their religious inclinations. Qaasaani, a Shiah, narrated an empathetic account, but Hafiz Abru attempted to report Oljeitu's Shiism by using biased words (such as cunning, slander, and the like). Others have instantly reported this event, sometimes only mentioning Oljeitu's Shiism, or referring to the change in the khutbah and coinage (without specifying Oljeitu's Shiism) in a few brief words, or reporting accounts that do not align with historical realities. Another group of historians refrained from mentioning Oljeitu's Shiism and his actions. Moreover, The multifaceted reports of historians have led contemporary historians to experience a degree of confusion and disagreement regarding Oljeitu's Shiism and the related events. Contemporary studies, due to a lack of attention to the influence of historians' beliefs in reporting Oljeitu's Shiism, have also reached various and contradictory conclusions. In conclusion, the writings of past historians should not be viewed as complete texts that have reported all events.Following the Mongol invasion of Iran, the most significant cultural change among the rulers of this government was their conversion from Mongolian Shamanism to Islam. Ahmad Teküdar was the first ruler who converted to Islam in this state, and after him, Ghazan Khan declared Islam as the official religion of the government. Meanwhile, <br />the conversion of Ghazan Khan and Oljeitu from Sunnism to Shiism and its official recognition was also an influential event that had numerous cultural, social, and political consequences. After inclining towards Shiism, Oljeitu made great efforts to spread this sect in society and implement certain specific religious decrees associated with it. He altered the khutbah (sermon) and coinage; in the khutbah, he recited blessings upon the Twelve Imams. He minted coins with the slogan "Ali is the Wali or friend of God" and blessings upon the Twelve Imams. He constructed numerous Shiah structures, many of them were inscribed with Shiah slogans. Oljeitu's conversion from Sunnism to Shiism had significant social and cultural impacts on Iranian society, which in fact served as an important historical precursor to the spread of Shiism in Iran and the comprehensive inclination of the people residing in Iran towards Shiism, ultimately leading to the formation of the Safavid state with the official declaration of Shiah Islam in Iran. The conversion of Oljeitu and his subsequent actions have been reported in various ways in the works of Persian-speaking historians. The method of this article is based on text analysis and comparison of different texts, and it seeks to answer the question on how the motivations and beliefs of historians, or the prevailing religious atmosphere, influenced the reporting of these events. The primary concern of ancient historians was to record the king's actions, but the question here is how the historians reported this event. The objective of the present research is to highlight the fact that the historians, influenced by their religious beliefs, reported historical events; and sometimes they completely reported them, sometimes briefly, and sometimes they did not mention the incident at all. The manifestation of the influence of religious beliefs can also be observed in the reporting of Oljeitu's inclination towards Shiism. The findings indicate that the religious inclinations of historians had a direct impact on the manner of their reports. Some historians provided detailed accounts. This method is observed in the two books, "The History of Oljeitu" (written by Abdullah bin Muhammad Qaasaani) and "The Addendum to the Jami' al-Tawarikh-i Rashidi" (written by Hafiz Abru). However, these two are also under the influence of their religious inclinations. Qaasaani, a Shiah, narrated an empathetic account, but Hafiz Abru attempted to report Oljeitu's Shiism by using biased words (such as cunning, slander, and the like). Others have instantly reported this event, sometimes only mentioning Oljeitu's Shiism, or referring to the change in the khutbah and coinage (without specifying Oljeitu's Shiism) in a few brief words, or reporting accounts that do not align with historical realities. Another group of historians refrained from mentioning Oljeitu's Shiism and his actions. Moreover, The multifaceted reports of historians have led contemporary historians to experience a degree of confusion and disagreement regarding Oljeitu's Shiism and the related events. Contemporary studies, due to a lack of attention to the influence of historians' beliefs in reporting Oljeitu's Shiism, have also reached various and contradictory conclusions. In conclusion, the writings of past historians should not be viewed as complete texts that have reported all events.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79702_d450d8ea90669f629ef763f6e81a020d.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Contribution of Biographical Writing to
the Transmission of Cultural and Social Data in Egypt:
A Case Study of "Durar al-'Uqūd va Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr"The Contribution of Biographical Writing to
the Transmission of Cultural and Social Data in Egypt:
A Case Study of "Durar al-'Uqūd va Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr"1701477965510.22081/hiq.2023.63673.2251FAZahraRouhollahhi AmiriAssociate Professor, Department of History, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, Iran.Journal Article20220331Biographical writing is one of the oldest and, concurrently, most frequent forms <br />of historiography in the Islamic civilization. While initially organized with the aim of recording the biographies of prominent individuals, it possesses a vast capacity within its deeper layers for the transmission of cultural, social, economic, and civilizational data of Islamic societies across various historical periods. However, in the contemporary research on Islamic history, this genre has often been regarded merely as a source of biographical dictionaries (rijāl) or as a supplementary aid for Hadith and jurisdiction studies, with its potential for the reconstruction of social and cultural history receiving less independent and methodological attention. In this regard, the main issue of the present research is to explore this overlooked capacity and examine the contribution of biographical writing toward the transmission of cultural and social data of Egypt, focusing on two important biographical works by the historian Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Ali Maqrizi: "Durar al-'Uqūd al-Faridah fī Tarājom al-A'yān al-Mufīdah" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr." The central question of <br />the research is what purpose and method of Maqrizi was to record the biographies of individuals in these two works, and how, with what perspective, he transferred the cultural, social, religious, economic, and scientific data in the form of biographies. Furthermore, this study endeavors to demonstrate how the structural and contextual differences between these two books influence the type of cultural data extractable from them, and what contribution each of these works makes the reconstruction of Egypt's cultural and social history in the medieval Islamic centuries. The primary goal of the article is to explain the position of Maqrizi's biographical writing as a tool for the socio-cultural historiography and to show how, through the biographies of individuals, one can access layers of public <br />life, power relations, economic structures, scientific networks, the status of women, the condition of religious minorities, religious rituals, and the cultural patterns of Mamluk
society. Among the secondary objectives of the research are comparing the cultural approach of "Durar al-'Uqūd" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," explaining Maqrizi's method in selecting and elaborating data, and evaluating the effectiveness of these works for the social history studies. The necessity of this research stems from the fact that the classical political historiography, which focuses on events, states, and wars, has often been unable to represent the daily lives of people, cultural developments, and social relations. In contrast, biographical writing, by focusing on the "historical individual," provides an opportunity to ask questions that have had less room for expression in official chronicles; questions about the geographical origins of scholars, the routes of knowledge transmission, prevalent professions and trades, the economic status of different classes, the social role of women, religious rituals, and even popular beliefs. The present research indicates that Maqrizi's works, especially when compared to many of his contemporary biographers, possess a higher capacity to answer these questions. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical with a comparative approach. This means that first, the structure, purpose, and method of each of Maqrizi's two works are examined independently, and then the cultural and social data extracted from them are analyzed and compared across categories such as religious, economic, political, scientific, anthropological, and gendered data. In this process, in addition to relying on al-Maqrizi's original texts, sources from his own era or close to it, such as the works of al-Sakhawi, Ibn Taghribirdi, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, <br />al-Safadi, and Ibn 'Adim, as well as contemporary research on al-Maqrizi and Islamic historiography, have been utilized. The research findings show that "Durar al-'Uqūd <br />al-Farīdah" is more than just a biographical dictionary; it is a mirror of the social and cultural life of Egypt in the 9<sup>th</sup> century A.H (15<sup>th</sup> century CE). Its focus on Maqrizi's contemporaries and the recording of lived experiences has led to the transmission of valuable data about poverty and wealth, prices, occupations, pilgrimage rituals, the role of Sufis, public morality, and even livelihood crises. In contrast, "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," with its broader historical and geographical scope and focus on emirs, officials, and state figures, offers rich data on the structure of power, religious policy, foreign relations, courtly customs, and official religious discourse. Thus, these two works are not rivals but complements to each other in reconstructing Egypt's cultural and social history. In conclusion, Maqrizi's role in Islamic historiography extends beyond that of an annalist or a biographer of individuals. By linking personal biographies to social, political, and cultural contexts, he presents a model of "civilizational biography" in which humans, institutions, and culture are represented in an interconnected network. His works, especially "Durar <br />al-'Uqūd" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," demonstrate how biographical accounts can be used to reconstruct a dynamic image of the Islamic world, trans-regional connections, Islamic cosmopolitanism, and the cultural-social transformations of a land. This role places Maqrizi among the most prominent cultural and social historians of Islamic civilization.Biographical writing is one of the oldest and, concurrently, most frequent forms <br />of historiography in the Islamic civilization. While initially organized with the aim of recording the biographies of prominent individuals, it possesses a vast capacity within its deeper layers for the transmission of cultural, social, economic, and civilizational data of Islamic societies across various historical periods. However, in the contemporary research on Islamic history, this genre has often been regarded merely as a source of biographical dictionaries (rijāl) or as a supplementary aid for Hadith and jurisdiction studies, with its potential for the reconstruction of social and cultural history receiving less independent and methodological attention. In this regard, the main issue of the present research is to explore this overlooked capacity and examine the contribution of biographical writing toward the transmission of cultural and social data of Egypt, focusing on two important biographical works by the historian Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Ali Maqrizi: "Durar al-'Uqūd al-Faridah fī Tarājom al-A'yān al-Mufīdah" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr." The central question of <br />the research is what purpose and method of Maqrizi was to record the biographies of individuals in these two works, and how, with what perspective, he transferred the cultural, social, religious, economic, and scientific data in the form of biographies. Furthermore, this study endeavors to demonstrate how the structural and contextual differences between these two books influence the type of cultural data extractable from them, and what contribution each of these works makes the reconstruction of Egypt's cultural and social history in the medieval Islamic centuries. The primary goal of the article is to explain the position of Maqrizi's biographical writing as a tool for the socio-cultural historiography and to show how, through the biographies of individuals, one can access layers of public <br />life, power relations, economic structures, scientific networks, the status of women, the condition of religious minorities, religious rituals, and the cultural patterns of Mamluk
society. Among the secondary objectives of the research are comparing the cultural approach of "Durar al-'Uqūd" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," explaining Maqrizi's method in selecting and elaborating data, and evaluating the effectiveness of these works for the social history studies. The necessity of this research stems from the fact that the classical political historiography, which focuses on events, states, and wars, has often been unable to represent the daily lives of people, cultural developments, and social relations. In contrast, biographical writing, by focusing on the "historical individual," provides an opportunity to ask questions that have had less room for expression in official chronicles; questions about the geographical origins of scholars, the routes of knowledge transmission, prevalent professions and trades, the economic status of different classes, the social role of women, religious rituals, and even popular beliefs. The present research indicates that Maqrizi's works, especially when compared to many of his contemporary biographers, possess a higher capacity to answer these questions. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical with a comparative approach. This means that first, the structure, purpose, and method of each of Maqrizi's two works are examined independently, and then the cultural and social data extracted from them are analyzed and compared across categories such as religious, economic, political, scientific, anthropological, and gendered data. In this process, in addition to relying on al-Maqrizi's original texts, sources from his own era or close to it, such as the works of al-Sakhawi, Ibn Taghribirdi, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, <br />al-Safadi, and Ibn 'Adim, as well as contemporary research on al-Maqrizi and Islamic historiography, have been utilized. The research findings show that "Durar al-'Uqūd <br />al-Farīdah" is more than just a biographical dictionary; it is a mirror of the social and cultural life of Egypt in the 9<sup>th</sup> century A.H (15<sup>th</sup> century CE). Its focus on Maqrizi's contemporaries and the recording of lived experiences has led to the transmission of valuable data about poverty and wealth, prices, occupations, pilgrimage rituals, the role of Sufis, public morality, and even livelihood crises. In contrast, "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," with its broader historical and geographical scope and focus on emirs, officials, and state figures, offers rich data on the structure of power, religious policy, foreign relations, courtly customs, and official religious discourse. Thus, these two works are not rivals but complements to each other in reconstructing Egypt's cultural and social history. In conclusion, Maqrizi's role in Islamic historiography extends beyond that of an annalist or a biographer of individuals. By linking personal biographies to social, political, and cultural contexts, he presents a model of "civilizational biography" in which humans, institutions, and culture are represented in an interconnected network. His works, especially "Durar <br />al-'Uqūd" and "Al-Muqaffa al-Kabīr," demonstrate how biographical accounts can be used to reconstruct a dynamic image of the Islamic world, trans-regional connections, Islamic cosmopolitanism, and the cultural-social transformations of a land. This role places Maqrizi among the most prominent cultural and social historians of Islamic civilization.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79655_d95cde016c9af8c0d4c38c117912d686.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Role of Ashurakhanas during the Qotb Shahi Era in the Deccan toward the Spread of Shism in IndiaThe Role of Ashurakhanas during the Qotb Shahi Era in the Deccan toward the Spread of Shism in India1881717970110.22081/hiq.2023.62681.2279FAZohrehBiglarPh.D. Student, Department of Islamic History, Baqir al-Ulum University (AS), Qom, IranMohammadHosseiniAssistant Professor, Department of Islamic History, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranJournal Article20230202The present research aims to comprehensively examine the role of Ashurakhanas in the process of spreading and consolidating Shiism within the Qotb Shahi domain in the Deccan. This period holds a distinguished position in the political and cultural history of South India and has always attracted the attention of Iranian and Indian historians. The main research question is how Ashurakhanas played a role in the symbolic, institutional, and social expansion of Shiism in Qotb Shahi realm. The research hypothesis is that Ashurakhanas were not merely ritualistic buildings for holding Muharram ceremonies; rather, within the context of the Qotb Shahis' intelligent religious policy, they acted as cultural-propagational institutions. These institutions, while reviving Ashura rituals <br />and Shiah symbols, served as centers for organizing Shiah congregations, producing <br />and transmitting religious knowledge, political legitimization, and connecting Iranian immigrants with the Deccani society. Accordingly, Ashurakhanas, alongside the increasing presence of Shiah scholars, the endowment system (Waqf), and the construction of mosques, schools, and hospitals, formed part of the broader network of religious institutionalization by the Qotb Shahis, which collectively contributed to the consolidation of Shiah Islam in this region. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical, based <br />on documentary and library studies. The findings indicate that Ashurakhanas had three fundamental functions during the Qotb Shahi period:<br /><strong>1. Ritual and Identity Role:</strong> These places were the main centers for holding Muharram ceremonies, reciting elegies (Maqtal), conducting Ta'ziyeh performances, organizing mourning processions, and preserving symbolic artifacts of Ashura such as flags, Ta'ziyeh figures, and effigies. This led to the institutionalization of Shiah rituals in Deccani society and their fixation in collective memory. The widespread participation of locals in these rituals facilitated the indirect transmission of Shiah concepts and familiarized the society with the history and symbols of Ashura.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>172</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 4, 2025</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong> Cultural and Educational Role:</strong> Ashurakhanas served as venues for sermons, teaching, debates, and the promotion of Shiah teachings. Many immigrant Iranian scholars, such as Mir Mohammad Mo'men Astrabadi, who held important positions like minister, utilized these spaces as bases for training local students and propagating Shiah jurisprudence, theology, and historical thought. Continuous interaction between immigrant scholars and the Deccani people fostered a network of educational circles and scientific gatherings that shaped a new religious identity in the region.<br /><strong> Social and Political Role:</strong> Ashurakhanas were tools in the religious policy of the Qotb Shahis for legitimizing the rule and strengthening political cohesion around Shiah ideology. The presence of the Sultan, courtiers, and government officials during official Muharram ceremonies signified an emphasis on the state's Shiah identity. This presence enabled Shiah immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Transoxiana, and Khorasan, who had entered the Deccan, to perceive themselves as distinguished citizens within the new political structure, thereby strengthening the social cohesion of the immigrant community. On the other hand, the government, through a policy of religious tolerance and rapprochement between Sunnis and Shiahs, created an environment where Ashurakhanas were not only gathering places for Shiahs but also sites for religious dialogue and interaction. Overall, the research findings demonstrate that the spread of Shiah Islam in the Qotb Shahi domain was not merely a result of the rulers' political support; rather, it was the outcome of a network of religious-cultural institutions in which Ashurakhanas played a central role. By relying on these institutions, the Qotb Shahi state was able to sustainably advance its religious identity-building project in the Deccan. The combination of extensive migration of Iranian elites, religious tolerance, religious constructions, the endowment system, and the organization of Muharram rituals led to the formation of a "powerful Shiah community" in the Deccan, the effects of which are still visible today in cities like Hyderabad. The final conclusion of the research indicates that Ashurakhanas were not only a symbol of Shiah presence in the Deccan but also the main factor and mechanism for advancing Shiah Islam, to the extent that without these institutions, the process of Shiah expansion in the Deccan would never have reached such a level of depth and permanence. With their multi-layered functions, these institutions were able to establish a link between the state, scholars, immigrants, and the local population, and lay the foundation for a lasting religious identity.The present research aims to comprehensively examine the role of Ashurakhanas in the process of spreading and consolidating Shiism within the Qotb Shahi domain in the Deccan. This period holds a distinguished position in the political and cultural history of South India and has always attracted the attention of Iranian and Indian historians. The main research question is how Ashurakhanas played a role in the symbolic, institutional, and social expansion of Shiism in Qotb Shahi realm. The research hypothesis is that Ashurakhanas were not merely ritualistic buildings for holding Muharram ceremonies; rather, within the context of the Qotb Shahis' intelligent religious policy, they acted as cultural-propagational institutions. These institutions, while reviving Ashura rituals <br />and Shiah symbols, served as centers for organizing Shiah congregations, producing <br />and transmitting religious knowledge, political legitimization, and connecting Iranian immigrants with the Deccani society. Accordingly, Ashurakhanas, alongside the increasing presence of Shiah scholars, the endowment system (Waqf), and the construction of mosques, schools, and hospitals, formed part of the broader network of religious institutionalization by the Qotb Shahis, which collectively contributed to the consolidation of Shiah Islam in this region. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical, based <br />on documentary and library studies. The findings indicate that Ashurakhanas had three fundamental functions during the Qotb Shahi period:<br /><strong>1. Ritual and Identity Role:</strong> These places were the main centers for holding Muharram ceremonies, reciting elegies (Maqtal), conducting Ta'ziyeh performances, organizing mourning processions, and preserving symbolic artifacts of Ashura such as flags, Ta'ziyeh figures, and effigies. This led to the institutionalization of Shiah rituals in Deccani society and their fixation in collective memory. The widespread participation of locals in these rituals facilitated the indirect transmission of Shiah concepts and familiarized the society with the history and symbols of Ashura.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>172</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 4, 2025</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong> Cultural and Educational Role:</strong> Ashurakhanas served as venues for sermons, teaching, debates, and the promotion of Shiah teachings. Many immigrant Iranian scholars, such as Mir Mohammad Mo'men Astrabadi, who held important positions like minister, utilized these spaces as bases for training local students and propagating Shiah jurisprudence, theology, and historical thought. Continuous interaction between immigrant scholars and the Deccani people fostered a network of educational circles and scientific gatherings that shaped a new religious identity in the region.<br /><strong> Social and Political Role:</strong> Ashurakhanas were tools in the religious policy of the Qotb Shahis for legitimizing the rule and strengthening political cohesion around Shiah ideology. The presence of the Sultan, courtiers, and government officials during official Muharram ceremonies signified an emphasis on the state's Shiah identity. This presence enabled Shiah immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Transoxiana, and Khorasan, who had entered the Deccan, to perceive themselves as distinguished citizens within the new political structure, thereby strengthening the social cohesion of the immigrant community. On the other hand, the government, through a policy of religious tolerance and rapprochement between Sunnis and Shiahs, created an environment where Ashurakhanas were not only gathering places for Shiahs but also sites for religious dialogue and interaction. Overall, the research findings demonstrate that the spread of Shiah Islam in the Qotb Shahi domain was not merely a result of the rulers' political support; rather, it was the outcome of a network of religious-cultural institutions in which Ashurakhanas played a central role. By relying on these institutions, the Qotb Shahi state was able to sustainably advance its religious identity-building project in the Deccan. The combination of extensive migration of Iranian elites, religious tolerance, religious constructions, the endowment system, and the organization of Muharram rituals led to the formation of a "powerful Shiah community" in the Deccan, the effects of which are still visible today in cities like Hyderabad. The final conclusion of the research indicates that Ashurakhanas were not only a symbol of Shiah presence in the Deccan but also the main factor and mechanism for advancing Shiah Islam, to the extent that without these institutions, the process of Shiah expansion in the Deccan would never have reached such a level of depth and permanence. With their multi-layered functions, these institutions were able to establish a link between the state, scholars, immigrants, and the local population, and lay the foundation for a lasting religious identity.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79701_22c31bf14ac3a41e3187d5e56305d2c9.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Historical Evolution of the Thought of
Takfir: From an Ideological Act to the Juridification of Theological BeliefsThe Historical Evolution of the Thought of
Takfir: From an Ideological Act to the Juridification of Theological Beliefs2101897970610.22081/hiq.2023.65987.2312FAAhmadFallahzadehAssistant Professor, Department of Islamic History, Faculty of Islamic Studies, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranHosseinEskandari SedqPh.D., Strategic Management of Cyberspace, National Defense University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20230214Takfir is considered as one of the religious challenges in today's world, with a long history in Abrahamic religions. Among Muslims, takfir, especially in the contemporary era, has led to bloody challenges reflecting jurisprudential, theological, and even political issues. In fact, after the development of the Islamic state in Medina (the ten-year Nabawi period), the issue of takfir was one of the recognized beliefs among Muslims. This issue, after the departure of the Prophet (PBUH), underwent transformations through the first and second Hijri centuries, transformations that have remained hidden from historians. Finally, by the third Hijri century, the nature of takfir transcended intellectual-political and ideological layers, evolving from a simple intellectual framework (ideological takfir) into <br />a complex theory with various functions. How takfir emerged in the Islamic world, <br />what changes it underwent and how and why it spread, still represent research gaps in understanding the evolution of the thought of takfir. The aim of the current research is to investigate the process of development and the trend of expansion of takfir in the Islamic world during the first three Hijri centuries. This issue is done to achieve the historical evolution of takfir, as understanding how takfir was developed and comprehending its periods of expansion fills a research gap in this regard and utilizing the explanation of this historical experience prevents the formation of new platforms for the development of takfir in the contemporary Islamic world. The present research endeavors to examine library-based historical, hadith, theological, and interpretive works written about takfir in the first three centuries. With the methodology of "evolutionary study"—meaning the recognition of the levels of change in the nature of Islamic takfir and understanding its levels in different historical periods (a three-century timeframe)—this research seeks to investigate what, how, and why of the changes in the nature of takfir in the first three centuries. Furthermore, what evolutions have occurred in the thought of takfir among the Islamic societies in the timeframe of the first three Hijri centuries, what process these changes have undergone, what levels they have passed through, and what diverse products they have yielded. The research hypothesis is that takfir, over the first three Hijri centuries, influenced by the political, cultural, intellectual, and jurisprudential factors within the religious understanding of hadith scholars, gradually transformed from a purely ideological perspective into a multidimensional theory encompassing various domains including beliefs, jurisprudence, and politics. The findings of the research indicate that takfir emerged from a simple intra-religious structure and, after undergoing the process of transformation from an individual behavior (stemming from social conditions) into a political and social matter, gradually acquired a political function under the influence of states. Subsequently, through the efforts of theologians, it became a theological theory. This new understanding of takfir was, through jurists, given a jurisprudential dimension and was extensively applied in various places against jurisprudential opponents (Sunni jurisprudence). Finally, the <br />new nature of takfir entered the social arena in the form of a new version (a different understanding of religion) and became a religious tool for eliminating political-intellectual rivals. Historically, a part of this evolutionary process occurred in the first century and a part in the second and third centuries, but its theoretical formulation mostly took place in the second and third centuries. At the beginning of the first century, takfir was primarily ideological, but gradually acquired political undertones. In this period, the frameworks of takfir were still not very complex, mostly simple, and involved concepts of belief. However, in the second century, takfir became an ideological tool with a political function, serving the states, especially the Umayyad government. During these same years, groups like the Khawarij expanded the scope of takfir, turning it into a theory. Finally, in the third century (the era of theological debates and the expansion of theology), takfir was theorized and conceptualized by the theologians. The aim of this new development was to include non-co-religionists within the scope of takfir, a new interpretation that empowered rulers in their dealings with opponents by an ideological backing as a political matter. In this period, theologian-jurists transformed the scope of takfir from a jurisprudential matter (with a limited audience) into a theological matter with a jurisprudential approach (with a broad audience), and this marked the beginning of widespread sectarian violence in the fourth century, particularly in Baghdad.Takfir is considered as one of the religious challenges in today's world, with a long history in Abrahamic religions. Among Muslims, takfir, especially in the contemporary era, has led to bloody challenges reflecting jurisprudential, theological, and even political issues. In fact, after the development of the Islamic state in Medina (the ten-year Nabawi period), the issue of takfir was one of the recognized beliefs among Muslims. This issue, after the departure of the Prophet (PBUH), underwent transformations through the first and second Hijri centuries, transformations that have remained hidden from historians. Finally, by the third Hijri century, the nature of takfir transcended intellectual-political and ideological layers, evolving from a simple intellectual framework (ideological takfir) into <br />a complex theory with various functions. How takfir emerged in the Islamic world, <br />what changes it underwent and how and why it spread, still represent research gaps in understanding the evolution of the thought of takfir. The aim of the current research is to investigate the process of development and the trend of expansion of takfir in the Islamic world during the first three Hijri centuries. This issue is done to achieve the historical evolution of takfir, as understanding how takfir was developed and comprehending its periods of expansion fills a research gap in this regard and utilizing the explanation of this historical experience prevents the formation of new platforms for the development of takfir in the contemporary Islamic world. The present research endeavors to examine library-based historical, hadith, theological, and interpretive works written about takfir in the first three centuries. With the methodology of "evolutionary study"—meaning the recognition of the levels of change in the nature of Islamic takfir and understanding its levels in different historical periods (a three-century timeframe)—this research seeks to investigate what, how, and why of the changes in the nature of takfir in the first three centuries. Furthermore, what evolutions have occurred in the thought of takfir among the Islamic societies in the timeframe of the first three Hijri centuries, what process these changes have undergone, what levels they have passed through, and what diverse products they have yielded. The research hypothesis is that takfir, over the first three Hijri centuries, influenced by the political, cultural, intellectual, and jurisprudential factors within the religious understanding of hadith scholars, gradually transformed from a purely ideological perspective into a multidimensional theory encompassing various domains including beliefs, jurisprudence, and politics. The findings of the research indicate that takfir emerged from a simple intra-religious structure and, after undergoing the process of transformation from an individual behavior (stemming from social conditions) into a political and social matter, gradually acquired a political function under the influence of states. Subsequently, through the efforts of theologians, it became a theological theory. This new understanding of takfir was, through jurists, given a jurisprudential dimension and was extensively applied in various places against jurisprudential opponents (Sunni jurisprudence). Finally, the <br />new nature of takfir entered the social arena in the form of a new version (a different understanding of religion) and became a religious tool for eliminating political-intellectual rivals. Historically, a part of this evolutionary process occurred in the first century and a part in the second and third centuries, but its theoretical formulation mostly took place in the second and third centuries. At the beginning of the first century, takfir was primarily ideological, but gradually acquired political undertones. In this period, the frameworks of takfir were still not very complex, mostly simple, and involved concepts of belief. However, in the second century, takfir became an ideological tool with a political function, serving the states, especially the Umayyad government. During these same years, groups like the Khawarij expanded the scope of takfir, turning it into a theory. Finally, in the third century (the era of theological debates and the expansion of theology), takfir was theorized and conceptualized by the theologians. The aim of this new development was to include non-co-religionists within the scope of takfir, a new interpretation that empowered rulers in their dealings with opponents by an ideological backing as a political matter. In this period, theologian-jurists transformed the scope of takfir from a jurisprudential matter (with a limited audience) into a theological matter with a jurisprudential approach (with a broad audience), and this marked the beginning of widespread sectarian violence in the fourth century, particularly in Baghdad.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79706_6637d6072cf015859413270209a9465f.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126420251222The Approach of 'Mosavat' Newspaper to the Crisis of the Constitutional Society: From Dictatorship to Liberty and JusticeThe Approach of 'Mosavat' Newspaper to the Crisis of the Constitutional Society: From Dictatorship to Liberty and Justice2292117970710.22081/hiq.2023.66264.2324FAHashemAghajariAssociate Professor, Department of History, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, IranMehdiZamaniPh.D., Iranian History, Center for Economic and Political Studies, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20230425The necessity of reproducing the intellectual discourses of the Constitutional era to respond to the intellectual challenges of today's society demands greater attention to the media heritage and publications of this period. In this regard, the main objective of the present research is to re-examine, analyze, and explain the intellectual approach and proposed solutions of the 'Mosavat' newspaper to confront the complex crises of the Constitutional era. This study seeks to identify and clarify one of the key intellectual-political models of that era by exploring the newspaper's positions, how it responded to the concerns of its time, and the vision it offered for Iran's future. The central question of the research is what approach the managers of the 'Mosavat' newspaper adopted to deal with the multiple political, social, and economic crises of Iran's Constitutional society, and what solutions they offered for overcoming these crises. In other words, this research endeavors to clarify the intellectual system of ‘Mosavat’ newspaper in diagnosing the roots of the crisis and offering solutions for transition to a society based on liberty and justice. Relying on a descriptive-analytical research method, this study analyzes the content of the 'Mosavat' newspaper as its primary source. Data was collected through meticulous study of available issues of the newspaper, and their verification was carried out by comparing the newspaper's content with the historical events and developments of the period under study (the post-First Constitutional and Small Autocracy periods). Within this framework, an attempt has been made to explain the positions and views of the newspaper's managers not as isolated phenomena, but as a direct reaction to the exigencies of the time and the key actions of the political-social actors of that era. The research findings reveal that the managers of 'Mosavat', with a deep understanding of the critical conditions of their time,
identified the primary causes of Iran's problems as a duality of "internal despotism" and "foreign colonialism," which had led to the society's humiliation, misery, chaos, and backwardness. In response to this diagnosis, they pursued a dual-pronged solution. On the political level: with a positive view of Western modern achievements, they accepted constitutionalism as a desirable model to replace despotism. They defined liberty as freedom from despotism and the political participation of the nation, emphasizing the necessity of the rule of law, parliamentary independence, and separation of powers. On the social and economic level: they considered the realization of "justice" and "equality" as a necessary condition and the true spirit of liberty for achieving societal progress and prosperity. With a social-democratic outlook, they supported the lower classes of society and stressed the need for equality before the law and the equitable distribution of wealth. The prominent and distinguishing feature of 'Mosavat's' approach was its effort to establish a link between new modern concepts (such as law, political liberty, and equality) and authentic Islamic teachings. Citing verses from the Quran, the conduct of the Prophet (PBUH) and Imams, and offering a novel interpretation of religious texts, they sought to present Western-derived concepts with an Islamic guise and legitimize them against their main opponents, the supporters of constitutionalism. Within this framework, despotism was rejected as an anti-Islamic phenomenon, constitutionalism was accepted as an achievement compatible with Islam, and liberty and justice were presented as heavenly values. Ultimately, it can be concluded that the 'Mosavat' newspaper represented a reformist, yet radical, discourse in the political landscape of the Constitutional era. By explaining <br />key concepts such as liberty, justice, and equality through the lens of modernity while simultaneously presenting a new interpretation of Islam, this newspaper sought to legitimize the project of constitutionalism and neutralize its main opponents. This approach was deeply influenced by the exigencies of the time and was a direct reaction to the intensification of political tensions, the intellectual alignments between constitutionalists and the numerous crises of that period. Nevertheless, 'Mosavat's' reform project remained incomplete due to the complexity and radicalization of socio-political conditions and the occurrence of events such as the Small Autocracy and the bombardment of the parliament. However, the analysis of this approach provides a profound understanding of one of the most significant intellectual endeavors of that era to synthesize tradition and modernity, the re-examination of which remains instructive for understanding Iran's contemporary intellectual challenges.The necessity of reproducing the intellectual discourses of the Constitutional era to respond to the intellectual challenges of today's society demands greater attention to the media heritage and publications of this period. In this regard, the main objective of the present research is to re-examine, analyze, and explain the intellectual approach and proposed solutions of the 'Mosavat' newspaper to confront the complex crises of the Constitutional era. This study seeks to identify and clarify one of the key intellectual-political models of that era by exploring the newspaper's positions, how it responded to the concerns of its time, and the vision it offered for Iran's future. The central question of the research is what approach the managers of the 'Mosavat' newspaper adopted to deal with the multiple political, social, and economic crises of Iran's Constitutional society, and what solutions they offered for overcoming these crises. In other words, this research endeavors to clarify the intellectual system of ‘Mosavat’ newspaper in diagnosing the roots of the crisis and offering solutions for transition to a society based on liberty and justice. Relying on a descriptive-analytical research method, this study analyzes the content of the 'Mosavat' newspaper as its primary source. Data was collected through meticulous study of available issues of the newspaper, and their verification was carried out by comparing the newspaper's content with the historical events and developments of the period under study (the post-First Constitutional and Small Autocracy periods). Within this framework, an attempt has been made to explain the positions and views of the newspaper's managers not as isolated phenomena, but as a direct reaction to the exigencies of the time and the key actions of the political-social actors of that era. The research findings reveal that the managers of 'Mosavat', with a deep understanding of the critical conditions of their time,
identified the primary causes of Iran's problems as a duality of "internal despotism" and "foreign colonialism," which had led to the society's humiliation, misery, chaos, and backwardness. In response to this diagnosis, they pursued a dual-pronged solution. On the political level: with a positive view of Western modern achievements, they accepted constitutionalism as a desirable model to replace despotism. They defined liberty as freedom from despotism and the political participation of the nation, emphasizing the necessity of the rule of law, parliamentary independence, and separation of powers. On the social and economic level: they considered the realization of "justice" and "equality" as a necessary condition and the true spirit of liberty for achieving societal progress and prosperity. With a social-democratic outlook, they supported the lower classes of society and stressed the need for equality before the law and the equitable distribution of wealth. The prominent and distinguishing feature of 'Mosavat's' approach was its effort to establish a link between new modern concepts (such as law, political liberty, and equality) and authentic Islamic teachings. Citing verses from the Quran, the conduct of the Prophet (PBUH) and Imams, and offering a novel interpretation of religious texts, they sought to present Western-derived concepts with an Islamic guise and legitimize them against their main opponents, the supporters of constitutionalism. Within this framework, despotism was rejected as an anti-Islamic phenomenon, constitutionalism was accepted as an achievement compatible with Islam, and liberty and justice were presented as heavenly values. Ultimately, it can be concluded that the 'Mosavat' newspaper represented a reformist, yet radical, discourse in the political landscape of the Constitutional era. By explaining <br />key concepts such as liberty, justice, and equality through the lens of modernity while simultaneously presenting a new interpretation of Islam, this newspaper sought to legitimize the project of constitutionalism and neutralize its main opponents. This approach was deeply influenced by the exigencies of the time and was a direct reaction to the intensification of political tensions, the intellectual alignments between constitutionalists and the numerous crises of that period. Nevertheless, 'Mosavat's' reform project remained incomplete due to the complexity and radicalization of socio-political conditions and the occurrence of events such as the Small Autocracy and the bombardment of the parliament. However, the analysis of this approach provides a profound understanding of one of the most significant intellectual endeavors of that era to synthesize tradition and modernity, the re-examination of which remains instructive for understanding Iran's contemporary intellectual challenges.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79707_cc01b35e147cad66eec080df7a8ebff4.pdf