Baqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923Speech Act Analysis of Imam Ali (AS)’s Quranic Citations in Confrontation with the Deviators, Apostates and Violators Based on the Speech Act TheorySpeech Act Analysis of Imam Ali (AS)’s Quranic Citations in Confrontation with the Deviators, Apostates and Violators Based on the Speech Act Theory3077962710.22081/hiq.2023.64737.2284FAAliGhofraniAssociate Professor, Department of Iranology, Faculty of Humanities, Buali Sina University, Hamadan, IranRezaMohamadiPostdoctoral Fellow, Department of History, Arak University, Arak, IranAliZareeiDepartment of Education, C.T.C., Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20220824The present study, based on the descriptive-analytical approach and using quantitative and qualitative methods, has examined and analyzed the speech acts of Imam Ali (A.S) in his Quranic Citations in confrontation with the groups of Deviators, Apostates and Violators. Inspired by John Searle's speech act model, this study attempts to identify the different types of speech acts of Imam (A.S) in these citations and to explain the purpose and function of Imam's speech in those historical circumstances by analyzing the frequency and abundance of these acts. The main questions of the study are: What are the main types of speech acts of Imam Ali (A.S) in Quranic citations and what consequences the frequency of each of these acts have for appreciating the speech act of the Imam (A.S) in confronting the rebels. Searle's model divides speech acts into five categories: declarative, persuasive, commitment, emotional, and assertive acts. The findings indicate that declarative acts with a frequency of 83.50 percent has been the most prominent in Imam's speech. This action represents Imam's attempt to enlighten and explain the facts and jurisprudential and political issues he was facing at that time. After that, the persuasive act, with a frequency of 41.12 percent, is in second place, which indicates the Imam's efforts to directly or indirectly prevent and prohibit these groups from committing rebellion and violence against the legitimate Islamic government. The lowest frequencies belong to the commitment acts (commitment and obligation) with 4.03 percent, emotional with 3.22 percent, and declarative with 0.80 percent, which respectively had more limited roles in the Imam's verbal communications. The historical context of examining these verbal acts is very important. During a difficult period in Islamic history, Imam Ali (A.S) faced groups known as the Deviators, Apostates and Violators who were opposed to breaking the covenant, tyranny, and deviation from divine limits, and departure from and defiance of the legitimate Islamic government, respectively. This issue was reflected in the complex political atmosphere during the caliphate of Imam Ali (A.S), which required precise and documented responses from him. An analysis of Imam Ali’s Quranic references shows that he used authentic religious sources, namely the verses of the Quran, to respond to these disobediences and rebellions, in order to legitimize his actions, and to prevent any misunderstandings, and to prove the legitimacy of his position. The most important of these verses is the ninth verse of Surah Al-Hujurat, which commands the fight against the rebellion, and has become the basis of Imam’s approach. Citing these verses, Imam Ali (A.S) while stating the Quranic decree on the defectors and rebels, enlightened and explained the jurisprudential and political dimensions of the political events of that time, and thus his speech had a practical and functional aspect in addition to its rhetorical aspect. This indicates that Imam’s speech acts did not merely serve as a linguistic reaction, but also played an executive and strategic role in managing the political crises. On the other hand, the analysis of the frequency of acts shows that Imam Ali (A.S) emphasized more on stating the facts and prohibiting wrong behaviors and less on the emotional acts or declaring commitments, which is a sign of focusing on the accurate and reasoned enlightenment. Controlling speech and being smart in using persuasive, commitment and emotional acts in the appropriate place were tools for maintaining order, preventing further division in society and strengthening unity in the face of internal challenges. This balance in Imam Ali's speech acts reflects his accuracy and deep insight into the historical and political conditions of that time. Analyzing the speech acts of Imam Ali's Quranic citations in dealing with the rebels opens a new way towards more accurate and deep understanding of the political history of Islam. This methodology is a combination of the linguistic and historical analysis that goes beyond the usual boundaries of mere historical analysis and better explains the relationship between the speech, act, and the historical conditions by utilizing speech act theories. Also, relying on this approach, one can achieve a new understanding of the importance of language and speech as a strategic tool in the political and social processes. Finally, the necessity of studying the speech and Quranic documents of Imam Ali (A.S), especially in dealing with internal crises, not only adds to the richness of historical studies, but also reveals the new capacities in understanding the interaction between the religion, politics, and Islamic law in the eras of historical crisis. This research can be used as a model for the future researches related to the Islamic history, Quranic sciences, language and speech studies, and it helps to better understand the different dimensions of Imam Ali's intellectual and political personality. From a practical perspective, the accurate knowledge of these acts can help to better understand crisis management and maintaining social unity within the Islamic societies, and to provide useful and practical teachings for the leaders and researchers in the field of political and religious leadership.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>8</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 3, 2025</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />Therefore, a detailed and analytical study of Imam Ali's (A.S) speech act in his Quranic references, considering the political context and history, is regarded as a modern, comprehensive, and scientific cognitive path to one of the most sensitive periods in Islamic history, which can play an effective role in the historical and jurisprudential reinterpretation and criticism of the caliphate of Imam Ali (A.S).The present study, based on the descriptive-analytical approach and using quantitative and qualitative methods, has examined and analyzed the speech acts of Imam Ali (A.S) in his Quranic Citations in confrontation with the groups of Deviators, Apostates and Violators. Inspired by John Searle's speech act model, this study attempts to identify the different types of speech acts of Imam (A.S) in these citations and to explain the purpose and function of Imam's speech in those historical circumstances by analyzing the frequency and abundance of these acts. The main questions of the study are: What are the main types of speech acts of Imam Ali (A.S) in Quranic citations and what consequences the frequency of each of these acts have for appreciating the speech act of the Imam (A.S) in confronting the rebels. Searle's model divides speech acts into five categories: declarative, persuasive, commitment, emotional, and assertive acts. The findings indicate that declarative acts with a frequency of 83.50 percent has been the most prominent in Imam's speech. This action represents Imam's attempt to enlighten and explain the facts and jurisprudential and political issues he was facing at that time. After that, the persuasive act, with a frequency of 41.12 percent, is in second place, which indicates the Imam's efforts to directly or indirectly prevent and prohibit these groups from committing rebellion and violence against the legitimate Islamic government. The lowest frequencies belong to the commitment acts (commitment and obligation) with 4.03 percent, emotional with 3.22 percent, and declarative with 0.80 percent, which respectively had more limited roles in the Imam's verbal communications. The historical context of examining these verbal acts is very important. During a difficult period in Islamic history, Imam Ali (A.S) faced groups known as the Deviators, Apostates and Violators who were opposed to breaking the covenant, tyranny, and deviation from divine limits, and departure from and defiance of the legitimate Islamic government, respectively. This issue was reflected in the complex political atmosphere during the caliphate of Imam Ali (A.S), which required precise and documented responses from him. An analysis of Imam Ali’s Quranic references shows that he used authentic religious sources, namely the verses of the Quran, to respond to these disobediences and rebellions, in order to legitimize his actions, and to prevent any misunderstandings, and to prove the legitimacy of his position. The most important of these verses is the ninth verse of Surah Al-Hujurat, which commands the fight against the rebellion, and has become the basis of Imam’s approach. Citing these verses, Imam Ali (A.S) while stating the Quranic decree on the defectors and rebels, enlightened and explained the jurisprudential and political dimensions of the political events of that time, and thus his speech had a practical and functional aspect in addition to its rhetorical aspect. This indicates that Imam’s speech acts did not merely serve as a linguistic reaction, but also played an executive and strategic role in managing the political crises. On the other hand, the analysis of the frequency of acts shows that Imam Ali (A.S) emphasized more on stating the facts and prohibiting wrong behaviors and less on the emotional acts or declaring commitments, which is a sign of focusing on the accurate and reasoned enlightenment. Controlling speech and being smart in using persuasive, commitment and emotional acts in the appropriate place were tools for maintaining order, preventing further division in society and strengthening unity in the face of internal challenges. This balance in Imam Ali's speech acts reflects his accuracy and deep insight into the historical and political conditions of that time. Analyzing the speech acts of Imam Ali's Quranic citations in dealing with the rebels opens a new way towards more accurate and deep understanding of the political history of Islam. This methodology is a combination of the linguistic and historical analysis that goes beyond the usual boundaries of mere historical analysis and better explains the relationship between the speech, act, and the historical conditions by utilizing speech act theories. Also, relying on this approach, one can achieve a new understanding of the importance of language and speech as a strategic tool in the political and social processes. Finally, the necessity of studying the speech and Quranic documents of Imam Ali (A.S), especially in dealing with internal crises, not only adds to the richness of historical studies, but also reveals the new capacities in understanding the interaction between the religion, politics, and Islamic law in the eras of historical crisis. This research can be used as a model for the future researches related to the Islamic history, Quranic sciences, language and speech studies, and it helps to better understand the different dimensions of Imam Ali's intellectual and political personality. From a practical perspective, the accurate knowledge of these acts can help to better understand crisis management and maintaining social unity within the Islamic societies, and to provide useful and practical teachings for the leaders and researchers in the field of political and religious leadership.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>8</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 3, 2025</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />Therefore, a detailed and analytical study of Imam Ali's (A.S) speech act in his Quranic references, considering the political context and history, is regarded as a modern, comprehensive, and scientific cognitive path to one of the most sensitive periods in Islamic history, which can play an effective role in the historical and jurisprudential reinterpretation and criticism of the caliphate of Imam Ali (A.S).https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79627_f2789b3a9bea64221a3311bf0df09db0.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923The Reflection of Muawiyah's Policies on the Convergence of the Qarra’ of Kufa in the Sufyani EraThe Reflection of Muawiyah's Policies on the Convergence of the Qarra’ of Kufa in the Sufyani Era52317962810.22081/hiq.2023.62991.2238FAAhmadNezaretizadehAssistant Professor, Shahid Mahallati Higher Educational Complex, Qom, IranSeyed AhmadRezaKhezriProfessor, Department of History, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranAbdullahFarrahiAssistant Professor, Department of History, University of Islamic Studies, Tehran, IranJournal Article20220221This research examines one of the critical periods in the history of early Islam, namely the era of the governance of Muawiyah ibn Abu Sufyan (41-64 A.H) and the impact of his policies on the intellectual-political movement of the "Qarra’" in the city of Kufa. The Qarra’, who were among the religious and social elites and mainly Qur'an reciters and scholars, were always attracted by the rulers due to their influence on theology and intellectual authority among the masses. The main issue is how and by what means Muawiyah was able to align and co-opt a significant part of this influential group, many of whom had previously been in the army of Imam Ali (A.S), with himself, and what fateful consequences this convergence had in major events such as the Battle of Siffin and the Ashura uprising. In this regard, the objectives of the present study are as follows: Explaining the grounds and factors for the convergence of a group of prominent Kufa reciters with Muawiyah's policies, Identifying and analyzing the tools and mechanisms used by Muawiyah to attract reciters (such as changing the demographic context, strengthening Ottoman thinking, luring, threatening, forging hadiths, and the policy of confronting the Companions with the Ahl al-Bayt). Examining the reflections and consequences of this convergence in the two historical events of the Battle of Siffin and the uprising of Imam Hussein (A.S). Filling the research gap in studying the special role of Kufa reciters as a reference group in the political developments of the early Umayyad era. Studying the role of elites in the historical developments is the key to a precise understanding of events. Despite the scattered research on the reciters or policies of Muawiyah, the present study specifically addresses the “intersection” of these two issues. The lack of independent research that has systematically analyzed the impact of Muawiyah’s policies on the convergence of the reciters of Kufa and its consequences demonstrates the necessity of this study. The innovation of this article lies in focusing on the students of Abdullah ibn Mas’ud and other prominent Qurani figures of Kufa who changed their positions under the influence of these policies and their role as the “missing link” in the analysis of events such as Ashura has been explored. This study can be a beacon for understanding the foundations of convergence and divergence in today’s Islamic society. This study was conducted using a “descriptive-analytical method” and relying on primary historical and hadith sources. Historical data were first described and then analyzed and explored within the framework of the research questions. The results showed that Muawiyah, simultaneously and systematically applied a set of hard (threats, physical removal, exile) and soft (financial enticement, fabrication of hadith, historical distortion) policies through the correct understanding of the influence of reciters. Muawiyah's most effective tool was the "policy of confrontation between the Companions and the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S.)" and "fabrication and dissemination of hadiths" about the virtue of the caliphs and the sanctification of Uthman and himself, which was able to create a rift in the religious beliefs of the reciters. The reflection of these policies in the Battle of Siffin was the creation of doubt and rift in the army of Imam Ali (A.S.) and ultimately, the acceptance of arbitration. In the event of Ashura, most of the prominent reciters of Kufa either remained silent or directly served the Umayyad regime. The silence of these religious authorities confused the people and paved the way for Imam Hussein (A.S.) to be left alone. The results of this research show how power can direct public opinion and influence history by using religion as a tool and seducing elites.This research examines one of the critical periods in the history of early Islam, namely the era of the governance of Muawiyah ibn Abu Sufyan (41-64 A.H) and the impact of his policies on the intellectual-political movement of the "Qarra’" in the city of Kufa. The Qarra’, who were among the religious and social elites and mainly Qur'an reciters and scholars, were always attracted by the rulers due to their influence on theology and intellectual authority among the masses. The main issue is how and by what means Muawiyah was able to align and co-opt a significant part of this influential group, many of whom had previously been in the army of Imam Ali (A.S), with himself, and what fateful consequences this convergence had in major events such as the Battle of Siffin and the Ashura uprising. In this regard, the objectives of the present study are as follows: Explaining the grounds and factors for the convergence of a group of prominent Kufa reciters with Muawiyah's policies, Identifying and analyzing the tools and mechanisms used by Muawiyah to attract reciters (such as changing the demographic context, strengthening Ottoman thinking, luring, threatening, forging hadiths, and the policy of confronting the Companions with the Ahl al-Bayt). Examining the reflections and consequences of this convergence in the two historical events of the Battle of Siffin and the uprising of Imam Hussein (A.S). Filling the research gap in studying the special role of Kufa reciters as a reference group in the political developments of the early Umayyad era. Studying the role of elites in the historical developments is the key to a precise understanding of events. Despite the scattered research on the reciters or policies of Muawiyah, the present study specifically addresses the “intersection” of these two issues. The lack of independent research that has systematically analyzed the impact of Muawiyah’s policies on the convergence of the reciters of Kufa and its consequences demonstrates the necessity of this study. The innovation of this article lies in focusing on the students of Abdullah ibn Mas’ud and other prominent Qurani figures of Kufa who changed their positions under the influence of these policies and their role as the “missing link” in the analysis of events such as Ashura has been explored. This study can be a beacon for understanding the foundations of convergence and divergence in today’s Islamic society. This study was conducted using a “descriptive-analytical method” and relying on primary historical and hadith sources. Historical data were first described and then analyzed and explored within the framework of the research questions. The results showed that Muawiyah, simultaneously and systematically applied a set of hard (threats, physical removal, exile) and soft (financial enticement, fabrication of hadith, historical distortion) policies through the correct understanding of the influence of reciters. Muawiyah's most effective tool was the "policy of confrontation between the Companions and the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S.)" and "fabrication and dissemination of hadiths" about the virtue of the caliphs and the sanctification of Uthman and himself, which was able to create a rift in the religious beliefs of the reciters. The reflection of these policies in the Battle of Siffin was the creation of doubt and rift in the army of Imam Ali (A.S.) and ultimately, the acceptance of arbitration. In the event of Ashura, most of the prominent reciters of Kufa either remained silent or directly served the Umayyad regime. The silence of these religious authorities confused the people and paved the way for Imam Hussein (A.S.) to be left alone. The results of this research show how power can direct public opinion and influence history by using religion as a tool and seducing elites.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79628_afadf3fa802ab7173acce8906e42e6a2.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923The Function of Propaganda Symbols for
Umayyad LegitimizationThe Function of Propaganda Symbols for
Umayyad Legitimization78537962910.22081/hiq.2023.60164.2146FANabiSanjabiPh.D. Student, Department of History, Na.C., Islamic Azad University, Najafabad, IranFarinazHooshyarDepartment of History, Na.C., Islamic Azad University, Najafabad, IranNaserJadidiDepartment of History, Na.C., Islamic Azad University, Najafabad, IranJournal Article20210213The main objective of this research was to conduct a deep and systematic analysis of the functions of propaganda symbols used by the Umayyads in the process of acquiring <br />and consolidating the legitimacy of the caliphate. The Umayyad period (41-132 A.H) is considered one of the most sensitive periods in Islamic history, because during this period, the transfer of power through a hereditary and monarchical system became common. This development created a deep gap in political legitimacy; A gap that the founder of this dynasty, Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, understood well. Despite their long family history in Mecca, the Umayyads were generally among the opponents or the reluctant people after <br />the migration of the Prophet (PBUH) and especially during the early conquests and their acceptance of Islam came about after the conquest of Mecca (8 A.H). This history made their traditional legitimacy based on piety and weak faith. Therefore, the survival of authority of Umayyads depended on the creation of a new political-ideological legitimacy that would present the power of commandment as a divine right, legal and necessary for the preservation of the Islamic nation. Power is fragile without acceptance and obedience along with legitimacy among the masses of the people. This necessity led the Umayyads to make extensive use of propaganda tools. The most effective of these tools was the use of symbols. The results of the research show that Muawiyah's strategy was based on the centrality of seeking revenge against Othman, which acted as a powerful emotional symbol. This approach placed Muawiyah in the position of a legitimate avenger and protector of the rights of the murdered caliph and justified the negation of the caliphate <br />of Imam Ali (AS). Umayyad propaganda policies were a multifaceted system that simultaneously targeted several layers of legitimacy (historical, emotional, and religious). This propaganda is divided into two main categories:<br /><strong>Visual symbols:</strong> These symbols directly targeted the audience's visual senses and had a high permanence; because the visual repetition of an object or event has a deeper impact than just hearing it.<br /><strong>A. Othman’s bloody shirt (symbol of oppression and justice):</strong> The most important and enduring of these symbols was Othman’s bloody shirt. This symbol was the embodiment of the alleged oppression inflicted on the third caliph and a reason for Muawiyah's military and political movement.<br /><strong>- Psychological function:</strong> The power of this symbol lay in evoking anger, grief, and a sense of public justice. In a culture where the honor of the ruler and his blood money were considered very important, Othman’s blood became a sacred debt that only Muawiyah could claim.<br /><strong>- Political function:</strong> This symbol provided legitimacy for the Battle of Siffin. By displaying Othman’s clothing in the squares and gatherings, Muawiyah indirectly questioned Ali's claim to the legitimacy of his caliphate at that time and accused him of ignoring blood feuds.<br /><strong>B. The Quran and the Prophetic Legacy (Owning the Religious Heritage):</strong> The Umayyads were in dire need of making up for their history of not participating in the early days of Islam. This was done through the physical appropriation of symbols associated with the Prophet (PBUH):<br />- The use of tools such as the Prophet’s (PBUH) robe, staff, and flags was a deliberate attempt to convey the idea that the Umayyad Caliphate was the continuation of the Prophet’s (PBUH) path.<br /><strong>- Impact on legitimacy:</strong> These symbols attempted to convey that even though the Umayyads had lined up against the Prophet (PBUH) at the beginning of Islam, they were now the legitimate heirs of divine power and the guardians of the prophetic trust.<br /><strong>C. The severed finger of Othman’s wife (a symbol of the tragedy and personalization of the calamity):</strong> Other symbols were also used to emphasize the violent nature of Othman’s death. The severed finger of Othman’s wife, whose hand had been cut off during the attack on Othman’s house, was an example of a physical symbol that had a direct and violent impact on the emotions of the people of Hejaz and Iraq. This symbol made the tragedy more personal and tangible, and facilitated the stirring of emotions.<br /><strong>2) Verbal-auditory symbols:</strong> This category included linguistic devices that were popularized through oratory, poetry, and epithets and were vital for ideological indoctrination in public gatherings.<br /><strong>A. Official slogans and epithets (ideological branding):</strong> One of the most effective propaganda functions was to establish the new identity of the ruling dynasty through language.<br /><strong>- Government epithets:</strong> epithets that were created for the Umayyad dynasty, as well as derogatory epithets that were issued to rivals.<br /><strong>- Slogan writing:</strong> Political slogans that were repeated in gatherings and on pulpits played an effective role in shaping public discourse. The frequent repetition of these slogans gradually made the Umayyad legitimacy an undeniable fact in the public mind.<br /><strong>B. Alternative narratives and interpretive hadiths:</strong> In the absence of legitimacy based on solid religious precedents, the Umayyads resorted to active narrative construction:<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>The Function of Propaganda Symbols ...</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>55</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>- Selective use of hadiths:</strong> The selective or distorted use of prophetic hadiths to validate the ruler's position. For example, the emphasis on the hadith "If you pledge allegiance to two caliphs, then kill the last of them", so that allegiance to Yazid, even after Muawiyah's death, was considered legitimate and uprisings against it were considered a departure from religious order.<br /><strong>- Emphasis on the necessity of order:</strong> Propagating the idea that the Umayyad Caliphate was the only guarantor of the unity of the Ummah and the prevention of Islamic disintegration after the devilry. This symbolic argument emphasized the concept of “practical politics” as opposed to “ideal faith.”<br /><strong>Sanctification of place:</strong> One of Muawiyah’s most effective symbolic actions was the spatial sanctification of Damascus. Damascus, the birthplace of the Umayyads and a political center during the caliphate, gradually evolved from a mere military base to a symbol of the “city of faith.” This was a direct response to the spatial legitimacy of Mecca and Medina. The Umayyads sought to establish Damascus not only as the political capital but also as the new center of gravity of the Islamic world. The construction of magnificent buildings and the creation of institutions that reinforced the centrality of Damascus were a form of spatial symbolism to consolidate the monarchy.<br />Overall, the results of the study clarified that the function of symbols in gaining political legitimacy for the Umayyads was a grand strategy to fill the legitimacy gap caused by the historical precedents and the hereditary transfer of power. This coherent set of symbols was able to direct people's emotions towards the Umayyad political goals and played a decisive role in normalizing the power of the Umayyad family, legitimizing the transition of the caliphate from a consultative path to a hereditary path, and establishing it as a stable political system for decades.The main objective of this research was to conduct a deep and systematic analysis of the functions of propaganda symbols used by the Umayyads in the process of acquiring <br />and consolidating the legitimacy of the caliphate. The Umayyad period (41-132 A.H) is considered one of the most sensitive periods in Islamic history, because during this period, the transfer of power through a hereditary and monarchical system became common. This development created a deep gap in political legitimacy; A gap that the founder of this dynasty, Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, understood well. Despite their long family history in Mecca, the Umayyads were generally among the opponents or the reluctant people after <br />the migration of the Prophet (PBUH) and especially during the early conquests and their acceptance of Islam came about after the conquest of Mecca (8 A.H). This history made their traditional legitimacy based on piety and weak faith. Therefore, the survival of authority of Umayyads depended on the creation of a new political-ideological legitimacy that would present the power of commandment as a divine right, legal and necessary for the preservation of the Islamic nation. Power is fragile without acceptance and obedience along with legitimacy among the masses of the people. This necessity led the Umayyads to make extensive use of propaganda tools. The most effective of these tools was the use of symbols. The results of the research show that Muawiyah's strategy was based on the centrality of seeking revenge against Othman, which acted as a powerful emotional symbol. This approach placed Muawiyah in the position of a legitimate avenger and protector of the rights of the murdered caliph and justified the negation of the caliphate <br />of Imam Ali (AS). Umayyad propaganda policies were a multifaceted system that simultaneously targeted several layers of legitimacy (historical, emotional, and religious). This propaganda is divided into two main categories:<br /><strong>Visual symbols:</strong> These symbols directly targeted the audience's visual senses and had a high permanence; because the visual repetition of an object or event has a deeper impact than just hearing it.<br /><strong>A. Othman’s bloody shirt (symbol of oppression and justice):</strong> The most important and enduring of these symbols was Othman’s bloody shirt. This symbol was the embodiment of the alleged oppression inflicted on the third caliph and a reason for Muawiyah's military and political movement.<br /><strong>- Psychological function:</strong> The power of this symbol lay in evoking anger, grief, and a sense of public justice. In a culture where the honor of the ruler and his blood money were considered very important, Othman’s blood became a sacred debt that only Muawiyah could claim.<br /><strong>- Political function:</strong> This symbol provided legitimacy for the Battle of Siffin. By displaying Othman’s clothing in the squares and gatherings, Muawiyah indirectly questioned Ali's claim to the legitimacy of his caliphate at that time and accused him of ignoring blood feuds.<br /><strong>B. The Quran and the Prophetic Legacy (Owning the Religious Heritage):</strong> The Umayyads were in dire need of making up for their history of not participating in the early days of Islam. This was done through the physical appropriation of symbols associated with the Prophet (PBUH):<br />- The use of tools such as the Prophet’s (PBUH) robe, staff, and flags was a deliberate attempt to convey the idea that the Umayyad Caliphate was the continuation of the Prophet’s (PBUH) path.<br /><strong>- Impact on legitimacy:</strong> These symbols attempted to convey that even though the Umayyads had lined up against the Prophet (PBUH) at the beginning of Islam, they were now the legitimate heirs of divine power and the guardians of the prophetic trust.<br /><strong>C. The severed finger of Othman’s wife (a symbol of the tragedy and personalization of the calamity):</strong> Other symbols were also used to emphasize the violent nature of Othman’s death. The severed finger of Othman’s wife, whose hand had been cut off during the attack on Othman’s house, was an example of a physical symbol that had a direct and violent impact on the emotions of the people of Hejaz and Iraq. This symbol made the tragedy more personal and tangible, and facilitated the stirring of emotions.<br /><strong>2) Verbal-auditory symbols:</strong> This category included linguistic devices that were popularized through oratory, poetry, and epithets and were vital for ideological indoctrination in public gatherings.<br /><strong>A. Official slogans and epithets (ideological branding):</strong> One of the most effective propaganda functions was to establish the new identity of the ruling dynasty through language.<br /><strong>- Government epithets:</strong> epithets that were created for the Umayyad dynasty, as well as derogatory epithets that were issued to rivals.<br /><strong>- Slogan writing:</strong> Political slogans that were repeated in gatherings and on pulpits played an effective role in shaping public discourse. The frequent repetition of these slogans gradually made the Umayyad legitimacy an undeniable fact in the public mind.<br /><strong>B. Alternative narratives and interpretive hadiths:</strong> In the absence of legitimacy based on solid religious precedents, the Umayyads resorted to active narrative construction:<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>The Function of Propaganda Symbols ...</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>55</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>- Selective use of hadiths:</strong> The selective or distorted use of prophetic hadiths to validate the ruler's position. For example, the emphasis on the hadith "If you pledge allegiance to two caliphs, then kill the last of them", so that allegiance to Yazid, even after Muawiyah's death, was considered legitimate and uprisings against it were considered a departure from religious order.<br /><strong>- Emphasis on the necessity of order:</strong> Propagating the idea that the Umayyad Caliphate was the only guarantor of the unity of the Ummah and the prevention of Islamic disintegration after the devilry. This symbolic argument emphasized the concept of “practical politics” as opposed to “ideal faith.”<br /><strong>Sanctification of place:</strong> One of Muawiyah’s most effective symbolic actions was the spatial sanctification of Damascus. Damascus, the birthplace of the Umayyads and a political center during the caliphate, gradually evolved from a mere military base to a symbol of the “city of faith.” This was a direct response to the spatial legitimacy of Mecca and Medina. The Umayyads sought to establish Damascus not only as the political capital but also as the new center of gravity of the Islamic world. The construction of magnificent buildings and the creation of institutions that reinforced the centrality of Damascus were a form of spatial symbolism to consolidate the monarchy.<br />Overall, the results of the study clarified that the function of symbols in gaining political legitimacy for the Umayyads was a grand strategy to fill the legitimacy gap caused by the historical precedents and the hereditary transfer of power. This coherent set of symbols was able to direct people's emotions towards the Umayyad political goals and played a decisive role in normalizing the power of the Umayyad family, legitimizing the transition of the caliphate from a consultative path to a hereditary path, and establishing it as a stable political system for decades.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79629_218cea463d382e31d06d6d311efd3f79.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923Analysis of the Abbasid Caliphate's Crisis Management on the Eve of Imam Reza's (AS) Succession Based on the Mitrof ModelAnalysis of the Abbasid Caliphate's Crisis Management on the Eve of Imam Reza's (AS) Succession Based on the Mitrof Model100797963010.22081/hiq.2023.63955.2260FAAhadEbadiPh.D., Department of Islamic Studies, Ta.C., Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, IranJournal Article20230109From the beginning, the Abbasid Caliphate had created a centralized method for transferring power with a specific succession mechanism, but in practice, historical developments, intra-family rivalries, and socio-political dichotomies between the Arab-Iranian and Baghdadi-Khorasani currents faced this system with tensions. The peak of these crises occurred in the final decades of the Caliphate of Harun Abbasi; the division of power based on Harun's plan among his three sons, especially Amin and Ma'mun, led to structural inflammation and an escalation of conflict between the forces of power. The fall of the Barmakid dynasty and the weakening of the Khorasani support of the government also complicated these conditions and created opposition within the caliphate structure, and finally, after his death, it intensified to such an extent that it plunged the Abbasid Caliphate into a severe war between two brothers. Thus, the structure of the Abbasid Caliphate was torn apart as a result of the dual Arab-Iranian pressure and the competition between the Baghdadi and Khorasani factions, and this rift weakened the political legitimacy of the caliphate. The present study, understanding the importance of this sensitive period and its role in the formation of an unprecedented policy such as the succession of Imam Reza (A.S), attempts to show, based on the "Mitrof crisis management" model, that Al-Ma'mun's new approach in inviting the Imam (A.S) to the caliphate and offering him the succession, was not a propaganda act, but part of a conscious and structurally disruptive strategy to contain the complex crises of the government. Therefore, the main issue of the research is whether, by adding a new dimension to the power structure, that is, introducing an Alawite element, Al-Ma'mun intended to change the balance of competing forces in his favor and manage the crises of legitimacy, identity, and power cohesion. By placing the issue in the framework of "crisis management", the research allows for a more structural and scientific analysis of Al-Ma'mun's performance and shows that this action was part of the process of reconstructing the identity of power in a critical situation. In the meantime, understanding the cause-and-effect relationships between the structural crises before Al-Ma'mun's caliphate, the unstable conditions after the civil war, and the need to redefine the balance of forces becomes doubly important. Thus, the crisis of power identity, with the weakening <br />of the symbolic authority of the caliphate, the distrust of the elites, and the spread of opposition rebellions, made the government's situation even more unstable than before. This instability forced Ma'mun to use an ideological rival, contrary to the common Abbasid tradition, to use him to repair the power structure instead of eliminating him. By proposing the succession of Imam Reza (A.S), Ma'mun not only sought to compensate for the lack of religious and social legitimacy of the caliphate, but also tried to create a kind of "third side of power", reorganize the balance of Arab and Iranian forces and prevent the collapse of his power. Therefore, the succession of Imam Reza (A.S) was a tactical and strategic response to the crises of legitimacy, structure, and identity of the caliphate. An action that, although ultimately not continued for various historical reasons, was able to From the beginning, the Abbasid Caliphate had created a centralized method for transferring power with a specific succession mechanism, but in practice, historical developments, intra-family rivalries, and socio-political dichotomies between the Arab-Iranian and Baghdadi-Khorasani currents faced this system with tensions. The peak of these crises occurred in the final decades of the Caliphate of Harun Abbasi; the division of power based on Harun's plan among his three sons, especially Amin and Ma'mun, led to structural inflammation and an escalation of conflict between the forces of power. The fall of the Barmakid dynasty and the weakening of the Khorasani support of the government also complicated these conditions and created opposition within the caliphate structure, and finally, after his death, it intensified to such an extent that it plunged the Abbasid Caliphate into a severe war between two brothers. Thus, the structure of the Abbasid Caliphate was torn apart as a result of the dual Arab-Iranian pressure and the competition between the Baghdadi and Khorasani factions, and this rift weakened the political legitimacy of the caliphate. The present study, understanding the importance of this sensitive period and its role in the formation of an unprecedented policy such as the succession of Imam Reza (A.S), attempts to show, based on the "Mitrof crisis management" model, that Al-Ma'mun's new approach in inviting the Imam (A.S) to the caliphate and offering him the succession, was not a propaganda act, but part of a conscious and structurally disruptive strategy to contain the complex crises of the government. Therefore, the main issue of the research is whether, by adding a new dimension to the power structure, that is, introducing an Alawite element, Al-Ma'mun intended to change the balance of competing forces in his favor and manage the crises of legitimacy, identity, and power cohesion. By placing the issue in the framework of "crisis management", the research allows for a more structural and scientific analysis of Al-Ma'mun's performance and shows that this action was part of the process of reconstructing the identity of power in a critical situation. In the meantime, understanding the cause-and-effect relationships between the structural crises before Al-Ma'mun's caliphate, the unstable conditions after the civil war, and the need to redefine the balance of forces becomes doubly important. Thus, the crisis of power identity, with the weakening <br />of the symbolic authority of the caliphate, the distrust of the elites, and the spread of opposition rebellions, made the government's situation even more unstable than before. This instability forced Ma'mun to use an ideological rival, contrary to the common Abbasid tradition, to use him to repair the power structure instead of eliminating him. By proposing the succession of Imam Reza (A.S), Ma'mun not only sought to compensate for the lack of religious and social legitimacy of the caliphate, but also tried to create a kind of "third side of power", reorganize the balance of Arab and Iranian forces and prevent the collapse of his power. Therefore, the succession of Imam Reza (A.S) was a tactical and strategic response to the crises of legitimacy, structure, and identity of the caliphate. An action that, although ultimately not continued for various historical reasons, was able to https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79630_837ee72ebb034e9e63a3be0c4e98445e.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923An Analysis of the Behavioral Characteristics of
Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah Fatemi Based on
the Charismatic Authority ModelAn Analysis of the Behavioral Characteristics of
Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah Fatemi Based on
the Charismatic Authority Model1241017963110.22081/hiq.2023.63721.2252FAMasoumehDehghanAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shiraz University, Shiraz, IranMahboobehFarkhondehzadehAssociate Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Theology and Islamic Studies, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranJournal Article20220409<span style="font-size: 9.0pt;">The caliphate of Al-hakim Be Amr Allah Fatemi (386–411 A.H) is one of the most complex and controversial periods in Fatimid history, in which a combination of personal charisma, religious policies, social reforms, and political authority shaped the charismatic profile of this caliph. The main issue of this research is the sociological explanation of the charismatic charisma and authority of Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah and its role in the political, religious, and the social developments of Fatimid Caliphate. The present study, using the theoretical framework of Max Weber's charismatic leadership, attempts to analyze the mechanisms of development and consolidation of the charismatic authority of the ruler in the historical context of Egypt and the Fatimid territory. The necessity of conducting this study arises from the fact that despite numerous historical studies on Fatimid Caliphate, the sociological dimensions of the ruler's leadership especially in connection with Weber's theory, have been independently analyzed. Understanding how the charismatic sphere emerged and functioned during this period not only helps to understand the developments of the Fatimid Caliphate, but also provides a suitable model for understanding the relationship between religion, politics, and leadership in Islamic civilization. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the research data has been collected based on primary historical sources such as the works of Maqrizi, Ibn Athir, Ibn Khaldun, Qazi Nu'man, Hamid al-Din Kermani, Ibn Jawzi, and Jamal al-Din Sarwar, as well as recent research by Daftari, Paul Walker, Muhammad Abdullah Annan, Aref Tamer, and Ayman Fouad Sayyed. The data analysis was conducted focusing on Weber's concepts of "charismatic authority" and then matched with the historical examples related to Al-Hakim. In this article, <br />Al-hakim’s political, social, and religious actions are analyzed based on the characteristics <br />of charismatic leaders from Max Weber's perspective, according to his reforms in the administrative, economic, religious, and social structures. The findings of this study clarifies that Al-Hakims’ charisma was based on a combination of three factors of personal attraction, religious authority, and the Fatimid preachers' propaganda system. On the one hand, the exceptional personality of the caliph, unusual behaviors, and the combination of asceticism with power created a kind of enthusiasm and belief in divine inspiration among the followers; on the other hand, the use of a coherent system of preaching, training preachers, and the expansion of educational centers such as the "Dar al-Elm" paved the way for the rationalization of charismatic authority. In addition, social reforms such as the abolition of taxes, the liberation of slaves, and the organization of judicial affairs strengthened his justice-oriented aspect. On the political level, Al-Hakim focused on expanding the influence of the Fatimid Caliphate in the Levant and Egypt, bringing the authority of the Caliphate to an unprecedented level. Meanwhile, the elimination of influential ministers, direct control of the judiciary, and personal supervision of economic affairs, although they consolidated his power, provoked a crisis of confidence in the Caliphate in the long term. In the religious sphere, Al-Hakim also adopted contradictory policies, religious tolerance towards the Dhimmi and ritual strictness; which, from Weber's perspective, reflects <br />the inherent duality of charismatic authority that fluctuates between sacredness and political rationality. From a sociological perspective, the most important achievement of this research is that the emergence of Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah can be seen as a response to the crisis of legitimacy in Fatimid society. Weber's theory emphasizes that charismatic leaders often emerge in conditions of social crisis and the collapse of traditional order. In such a situation, followers find salvation in a personality with superhuman qualities and a divine mission. Al-Hakim’s emergence coincided with a crisis of political legitimacy, Abbasid rivalry, and intellectual threats from Sunnis, and he was able to take advantage of this situation to establish his position as the “divine Imam-Caliph.” At the same time, this charismatic authority suffered an “internal crisis” towards the end of his reign. Contradictory behaviors, violent actions, and claims <br />of divinity by some close followers led to a split in the Fatimid intellectual system. The development of Druze sect can be seen as the ultimate manifestation of this crisis. A sect that demonstrated the transformative and extreme aspect of charisma by emphasizing the sanctity of Al-Hakim. From a theoretical perspective, this stage is what Weber refers to as the “routinization of charisma”; That is, when the leader's charisma is either sustained in the form of rituals and sects or transformed into a power structure. The present study also clarifies that the appeal of al-Hakim's leadership is not only limited to the religious sphere, but also influential in the cultural and social spheres. The expansion of knowledge, the establishment of educational centers, and the promotion of literacy in the Fatimid court were direct results of his cultural policies. Despite his behavioral excesses, Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah played a decisive role in the transition of the Fatimid Caliphate from a stage of consolidation to a stage of prosperity. In sum, Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah 's charismatic leadership is a unique example of the connection between religion, politics, and culture in Islamic civilization; a leader who was able to form a multidimensional system of power in the Islamic world of the fourth and fifth centuries A.H by combining religious authority and personal influence. This experience, on the one hand, demonstrates the power of charismatic leadership in reestablishing the political order, and on the other hand, warns that the lack of rational institutionalization can lead charisma to crisis and division.</span><span style="font-size: 9.0pt;">The caliphate of Al-hakim Be Amr Allah Fatemi (386–411 A.H) is one of the most complex and controversial periods in Fatimid history, in which a combination of personal charisma, religious policies, social reforms, and political authority shaped the charismatic profile of this caliph. The main issue of this research is the sociological explanation of the charismatic charisma and authority of Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah and its role in the political, religious, and the social developments of Fatimid Caliphate. The present study, using the theoretical framework of Max Weber's charismatic leadership, attempts to analyze the mechanisms of development and consolidation of the charismatic authority of the ruler in the historical context of Egypt and the Fatimid territory. The necessity of conducting this study arises from the fact that despite numerous historical studies on Fatimid Caliphate, the sociological dimensions of the ruler's leadership especially in connection with Weber's theory, have been independently analyzed. Understanding how the charismatic sphere emerged and functioned during this period not only helps to understand the developments of the Fatimid Caliphate, but also provides a suitable model for understanding the relationship between religion, politics, and leadership in Islamic civilization. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the research data has been collected based on primary historical sources such as the works of Maqrizi, Ibn Athir, Ibn Khaldun, Qazi Nu'man, Hamid al-Din Kermani, Ibn Jawzi, and Jamal al-Din Sarwar, as well as recent research by Daftari, Paul Walker, Muhammad Abdullah Annan, Aref Tamer, and Ayman Fouad Sayyed. The data analysis was conducted focusing on Weber's concepts of "charismatic authority" and then matched with the historical examples related to Al-Hakim. In this article, <br />Al-hakim’s political, social, and religious actions are analyzed based on the characteristics <br />of charismatic leaders from Max Weber's perspective, according to his reforms in the administrative, economic, religious, and social structures. The findings of this study clarifies that Al-Hakims’ charisma was based on a combination of three factors of personal attraction, religious authority, and the Fatimid preachers' propaganda system. On the one hand, the exceptional personality of the caliph, unusual behaviors, and the combination of asceticism with power created a kind of enthusiasm and belief in divine inspiration among the followers; on the other hand, the use of a coherent system of preaching, training preachers, and the expansion of educational centers such as the "Dar al-Elm" paved the way for the rationalization of charismatic authority. In addition, social reforms such as the abolition of taxes, the liberation of slaves, and the organization of judicial affairs strengthened his justice-oriented aspect. On the political level, Al-Hakim focused on expanding the influence of the Fatimid Caliphate in the Levant and Egypt, bringing the authority of the Caliphate to an unprecedented level. Meanwhile, the elimination of influential ministers, direct control of the judiciary, and personal supervision of economic affairs, although they consolidated his power, provoked a crisis of confidence in the Caliphate in the long term. In the religious sphere, Al-Hakim also adopted contradictory policies, religious tolerance towards the Dhimmi and ritual strictness; which, from Weber's perspective, reflects <br />the inherent duality of charismatic authority that fluctuates between sacredness and political rationality. From a sociological perspective, the most important achievement of this research is that the emergence of Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah can be seen as a response to the crisis of legitimacy in Fatimid society. Weber's theory emphasizes that charismatic leaders often emerge in conditions of social crisis and the collapse of traditional order. In such a situation, followers find salvation in a personality with superhuman qualities and a divine mission. Al-Hakim’s emergence coincided with a crisis of political legitimacy, Abbasid rivalry, and intellectual threats from Sunnis, and he was able to take advantage of this situation to establish his position as the “divine Imam-Caliph.” At the same time, this charismatic authority suffered an “internal crisis” towards the end of his reign. Contradictory behaviors, violent actions, and claims <br />of divinity by some close followers led to a split in the Fatimid intellectual system. The development of Druze sect can be seen as the ultimate manifestation of this crisis. A sect that demonstrated the transformative and extreme aspect of charisma by emphasizing the sanctity of Al-Hakim. From a theoretical perspective, this stage is what Weber refers to as the “routinization of charisma”; That is, when the leader's charisma is either sustained in the form of rituals and sects or transformed into a power structure. The present study also clarifies that the appeal of al-Hakim's leadership is not only limited to the religious sphere, but also influential in the cultural and social spheres. The expansion of knowledge, the establishment of educational centers, and the promotion of literacy in the Fatimid court were direct results of his cultural policies. Despite his behavioral excesses, Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah played a decisive role in the transition of the Fatimid Caliphate from a stage of consolidation to a stage of prosperity. In sum, Al-Hakim Bi- Amr Allah 's charismatic leadership is a unique example of the connection between religion, politics, and culture in Islamic civilization; a leader who was able to form a multidimensional system of power in the Islamic world of the fourth and fifth centuries A.H by combining religious authority and personal influence. This experience, on the one hand, demonstrates the power of charismatic leadership in reestablishing the political order, and on the other hand, warns that the lack of rational institutionalization can lead charisma to crisis and division.</span>https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79631_1fb7964fef67b8b88ad064d3dee2da5b.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923Historical Backgrounds and Consequences of Louis Massignon's Esoteric Approach in IslamologyHistorical Backgrounds and Consequences of Louis Massignon's Esoteric Approach in Islamology1421257963210.22081/hiq.2022.63659.2250FASeyyed KamalKeshik Nevis RazaviAssistant Professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Shahid Madani University of Azerbaijan, Tabriz, IranHamidrezaSanaeiAssistant Professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranAbbasAhmadvandAssosiate Professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranMahdiMojtahediAssistant Professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran0000-0002-3987-1896Journal Article20220328This study aims to analyze the influence of Louis Massignon’s (1883–1962) internal, personal, and cultural concerns on the development of his view toward esotericism in Islam, especially Sufism and Shiism. Massignon, one of the most prominent Western scholars of Islam, not only as an academic researcher, but also as an individual with a spiritual spirit and deep Catholic roots, tried to present a different image of Islam compared to the stereotypical and sometimes orientalist view of his contemporaries. The main goal of the present study is to demonstrate the fact that Massignon’s research on Shiism and Sufism, beyond a purely scientific analysis, was a reflection of his existential search for the spiritual connections between Christianity and Islam. The central question of the research is how and to what extent the internal factors such as Catholic religious background, the influence of Christian spiritual literature, personal experiences of encountering the Islamic world, and the need to redefine the relationship between Christianity and Islam influenced the formation of Massignon's view on Shiism and Sufism. This issue is also accompanied by the sub-question of whether Massignon was able to free himself from the ideologies of his time, including French colonialism and the dominant discourse of Orientalism. This research has been conducted based on the descriptive-analytical approach and library resources as well as primary and secondary texts. The analysis of Massignon's works, especially those published in the form of historical, philological, and mystical research on Shiism, Hallaj, and the Nusayris, in addition to studying his spiritual and intellectual biography, has provided the opportunity to understand the connection between his personal life and his scientific project. Edward Saeed's theory of Orientalism has also been used as a critical framework to assess Massignon's position among the classical Orientalists. The findings of the research clarify that Massignon, unlike many of his contemporaries who understood Islam merely as a legal and political structure, sought to discover its inner<br />and spiritual layers. After traveling to Iraq in 1908 and visiting Karbala and Najaf, he approached Shiism as a heroic and justice-seeking movement. He defined Shiism not as a theological or jurisprudential system, but as a "collective awareness" of the tragedy of Karbala and the hope for the ultimate triumph of justice. However, Massignon showed distrust of the blood legitimacy of the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S.) and considered it a form of materialism, although he praised the epic of Hussain (A.S.). Massignon developed the concept of "divine substitution" by focusing on figures such as Imam Ali (A.S), Hazrat Fatima (S.A), and Salman al-Farsi, and considered them to be universal spiritual symbols. Also, towards the end of his life, he became closer to Shiite eschatology, calling Mahdism rooted in the Quran and convergent with the apocalyptic idea in the Abrahamic religions. However, his conflict with the Shiites over their role in the execution of Hallaj caused him not to fully understand Shiism. On the other hand, Massignon, criticizing the materialistic view of Orientalists, used a phenomenological method that, while respecting the other, was influenced by the French colonial policy, especially in supporting minorities such as the Alawites. As an orientalist in recent times, Louis Massignon not only expanded the boundaries of Islamic studies, but also, by emphasizing esotericism, paved the way for a new approach to Islam among orientalists that, at deep levels, led to a spiritual alignment between monotheistic religions. Although he was under the political and cultural pressures of his time, his effort to understand Islam from within and with an empathetic perspective took him beyond the traditional framework of orientalism. To properly understand Massignon's works, his existential and personal dimension cannot be neglected; because his scientific research is intertwined with his spiritual search. Ultimately, Massignon has found a special place in the history of thought not as a "Shiite" or "Sufi", but as a "spiritual translator" between the two worlds of Islam and Christianity.This study aims to analyze the influence of Louis Massignon’s (1883–1962) internal, personal, and cultural concerns on the development of his view toward esotericism in Islam, especially Sufism and Shiism. Massignon, one of the most prominent Western scholars of Islam, not only as an academic researcher, but also as an individual with a spiritual spirit and deep Catholic roots, tried to present a different image of Islam compared to the stereotypical and sometimes orientalist view of his contemporaries. The main goal of the present study is to demonstrate the fact that Massignon’s research on Shiism and Sufism, beyond a purely scientific analysis, was a reflection of his existential search for the spiritual connections between Christianity and Islam. The central question of the research is how and to what extent the internal factors such as Catholic religious background, the influence of Christian spiritual literature, personal experiences of encountering the Islamic world, and the need to redefine the relationship between Christianity and Islam influenced the formation of Massignon's view on Shiism and Sufism. This issue is also accompanied by the sub-question of whether Massignon was able to free himself from the ideologies of his time, including French colonialism and the dominant discourse of Orientalism. This research has been conducted based on the descriptive-analytical approach and library resources as well as primary and secondary texts. The analysis of Massignon's works, especially those published in the form of historical, philological, and mystical research on Shiism, Hallaj, and the Nusayris, in addition to studying his spiritual and intellectual biography, has provided the opportunity to understand the connection between his personal life and his scientific project. Edward Saeed's theory of Orientalism has also been used as a critical framework to assess Massignon's position among the classical Orientalists. The findings of the research clarify that Massignon, unlike many of his contemporaries who understood Islam merely as a legal and political structure, sought to discover its inner<br />and spiritual layers. After traveling to Iraq in 1908 and visiting Karbala and Najaf, he approached Shiism as a heroic and justice-seeking movement. He defined Shiism not as a theological or jurisprudential system, but as a "collective awareness" of the tragedy of Karbala and the hope for the ultimate triumph of justice. However, Massignon showed distrust of the blood legitimacy of the Ahl al-Bayt (A.S.) and considered it a form of materialism, although he praised the epic of Hussain (A.S.). Massignon developed the concept of "divine substitution" by focusing on figures such as Imam Ali (A.S), Hazrat Fatima (S.A), and Salman al-Farsi, and considered them to be universal spiritual symbols. Also, towards the end of his life, he became closer to Shiite eschatology, calling Mahdism rooted in the Quran and convergent with the apocalyptic idea in the Abrahamic religions. However, his conflict with the Shiites over their role in the execution of Hallaj caused him not to fully understand Shiism. On the other hand, Massignon, criticizing the materialistic view of Orientalists, used a phenomenological method that, while respecting the other, was influenced by the French colonial policy, especially in supporting minorities such as the Alawites. As an orientalist in recent times, Louis Massignon not only expanded the boundaries of Islamic studies, but also, by emphasizing esotericism, paved the way for a new approach to Islam among orientalists that, at deep levels, led to a spiritual alignment between monotheistic religions. Although he was under the political and cultural pressures of his time, his effort to understand Islam from within and with an empathetic perspective took him beyond the traditional framework of orientalism. To properly understand Massignon's works, his existential and personal dimension cannot be neglected; because his scientific research is intertwined with his spiritual search. Ultimately, Massignon has found a special place in the history of thought not as a "Shiite" or "Sufi", but as a "spiritual translator" between the two worlds of Islam and Christianity.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79632_2b9c3b85302348d6829fa52060e31de1.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923A Study of the Formation Backgrounds and Factors of the Collapse of the Ukhaideri State; The First Shiite State in the Arabian PeninsulaA Study of the Formation Backgrounds and Factors of the Collapse of the Ukhaideri State; The First Shiite State in the Arabian Peninsula1601437963310.22081/hiq.2023.65011.2289FARasoolCheginiPh.D., Department of Islamic History, Baqir al-Olum University, Qom, IranJournal Article20221014The Ukhaidari State was the first Shiite state in the central regions of the Arabian Peninsula that emerged in the middle of the third century A.H, simultaneously with the Abbasid Caliphate. The roots of the formation of this state go back to the uprising of Ismail ibn Yusuf al-Ukhaider in Mecca in 251 A.H; an uprising that only conquered Mecca for fifty days, however, it paved the way for the emergence of a stable state. After Ismail's death, his brother Muhammad al-Ukhaider took over the leadership of this movement and, after being defeated by the Abbasid army, went to Yamamah and chose the city of Khizrama as the center of government in 253 A.H. The geographical, economic conditions, and relative distance of Yamamah from the center of the caliphate allowed this family to rule parts of Najd for nearly two centuries. Although the limited Abbasid invasions and Qarametah pressure on the region had some effects on their authority, the main factor in the fall of this state was especially the internal mismanagement and political conflicts among the Ukhaideri rulers. Despite the importance of this state in Shiite political history, the lack of sources and the dispersion of reports have made research on it difficult. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the existing historical sources, examines the contexts of the emergence and factors of the collapse of the Ukhaideri state, and emphasizes the need for additional research in this domain. The main issue of the research is how and on what grounds the "Ukhaideri" state - the first Shiite state in the Arabian Peninsula - was developed, and what internal and external factors led to the collapse of this local government. The main question of the research is: Why the Ukhaideri dynasty was able to establish an independent state in the heart of the Arabian Peninsula in the third century A.H and how these or other factors led to its dissolution. The research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and relies on the historical sources. The results of the research are as follows: First, confirming the proposition that the Ukhaideri ruled in Khidramah at least from about 253 A.H onwards, moreover, their survival until the middle of the fifth century A.H can be proven; Second, presenting the convincing arguments indicating that their real territory was limited to Khidramah and parts of Yamamah and not to the entire peninsula; Third, identifying and distinguishing three main factors of collapse, including economic mismanagement that led to the migration and weakening of economic foundations, bloody family disputes among the Ukhaideri emirs that destroyed the political cohesion, as well as the military and political pressures from the regional powers such as the Qarametah and Abbasids. In general, the development, and decline of Ukhaideri should be the product of the convergence of local and regional factors; The state that emerged from the Alawi uprising in Mecca and it was able to survive by choosing Khizrama as a political-economic refuge and benefiting from the geographical features of Yamama, but managerial incompetence and internal conflicts, along with the external threats, led to their gradual collapse.The Ukhaidari State was the first Shiite state in the central regions of the Arabian Peninsula that emerged in the middle of the third century A.H, simultaneously with the Abbasid Caliphate. The roots of the formation of this state go back to the uprising of Ismail ibn Yusuf al-Ukhaider in Mecca in 251 A.H; an uprising that only conquered Mecca for fifty days, however, it paved the way for the emergence of a stable state. After Ismail's death, his brother Muhammad al-Ukhaider took over the leadership of this movement and, after being defeated by the Abbasid army, went to Yamamah and chose the city of Khizrama as the center of government in 253 A.H. The geographical, economic conditions, and relative distance of Yamamah from the center of the caliphate allowed this family to rule parts of Najd for nearly two centuries. Although the limited Abbasid invasions and Qarametah pressure on the region had some effects on their authority, the main factor in the fall of this state was especially the internal mismanagement and political conflicts among the Ukhaideri rulers. Despite the importance of this state in Shiite political history, the lack of sources and the dispersion of reports have made research on it difficult. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the existing historical sources, examines the contexts of the emergence and factors of the collapse of the Ukhaideri state, and emphasizes the need for additional research in this domain. The main issue of the research is how and on what grounds the "Ukhaideri" state - the first Shiite state in the Arabian Peninsula - was developed, and what internal and external factors led to the collapse of this local government. The main question of the research is: Why the Ukhaideri dynasty was able to establish an independent state in the heart of the Arabian Peninsula in the third century A.H and how these or other factors led to its dissolution. The research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and relies on the historical sources. The results of the research are as follows: First, confirming the proposition that the Ukhaideri ruled in Khidramah at least from about 253 A.H onwards, moreover, their survival until the middle of the fifth century A.H can be proven; Second, presenting the convincing arguments indicating that their real territory was limited to Khidramah and parts of Yamamah and not to the entire peninsula; Third, identifying and distinguishing three main factors of collapse, including economic mismanagement that led to the migration and weakening of economic foundations, bloody family disputes among the Ukhaideri emirs that destroyed the political cohesion, as well as the military and political pressures from the regional powers such as the Qarametah and Abbasids. In general, the development, and decline of Ukhaideri should be the product of the convergence of local and regional factors; The state that emerged from the Alawi uprising in Mecca and it was able to survive by choosing Khizrama as a political-economic refuge and benefiting from the geographical features of Yamama, but managerial incompetence and internal conflicts, along with the external threats, led to their gradual collapse.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79633_6f06db94810ffd2f35023e43938832e3.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923A Reflection on the Representation of Mazdak’s Social-Religious Movement in the Historiography of the Early Islamic CenturiesA Reflection on the Representation of Mazdak’s Social-Religious Movement in the Historiography of the Early Islamic Centuries1801617963410.22081/hiq.2023.63960.2261FAMohammadBahramiMA, Department of Iranian Studies, Faculty of Theology and Social Sciences, Yazd University, Yazd, IranShahnazHojati NajafabadiAssistant Professor, Department of History, Meybod University, Meybod, IranJournal Article20220925Iranian-Islamic historiographical texts of the early centuries of the Hijri are considered to be the most important sources of study for this period due to their historical information about the ancient past of Iran. One of the important events reflected in these texts is the social-religious movement of Mazdak (488-531 A.D); an uprising that was formed by Mazdak, as one of the Zoroastrian clerics, and by presenting a new interpretation of the Avesta and presenting new social laws, he attempted to reduce inequalities and class differences and establish a common and unbiased society based on the teachings of Zoroastrianism. Mazdak's social and religious reforms created a wave of structural changes and quickly led to his increasing popularity and the support of some officials, including Shah Qobad (487-531 A.D). However, these developments were encountered with the resistance from the government apparatus and Zoroastrian clerics affiliated with the government, and ultimately, during the reign of Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 A.D), Mazdak movement was suppressed. The main issue of this research is to examine how Mazdak's uprising was represented in the Iranian-Islamic historiography and to analyze the political and intellectual functions of this representation. The research question is why the Iranian Muslim historians of the early Islamic centuries often negatively represented Mazdak's movement and his teachings, and what functions this representation had in the society and politics of their time. The research hypothesis is that negative narratives of Mazdak and his movement were not an accurate reflection of historical facts, but rather the product of the intellectual, cultural, and political needs of historians and society of their time, and its purpose was to present a historical model to warn and legitimize political power. The research method is based on the description and analysis of narratives from the Iranian-Islamic chronicles. In analyzing the reports of Muslim historians about Mazdak's uprising and how it was suppressed, with regard to the role of two background sources, namely the Sassanid Khodainameh and their Arabic translations, it is shown how these primary sources influenced the selection, highlighting, and intellectual orientation of historians and determined the form of their narrative. The findings clarify that the Muslim historians have mainly presented a negative image of Mazdak. He has been described with titles such as "despiser of religion," "heretical dog," "devil," and "Mazdak cursed by Allah," and his religious social teachings, such as the sharing of property and women and the fight against inequality, have been introduced as heresy and a threat to social order. These representations are often based on the Iranian-Islamic cultural and political values and discourses, and rather than reflecting historical realities, their aim was to create a model that would teach lessons and legitimize political power in the Abbasid era (132-656 A.H). By comparing the Mazdakist movement with contemporary uprisings such as Sinbad (138 A.H), Babak (201-223 A.H), and Maziyar (224-225 A.H), historians have presented a model of suppressing heretics and emphasizing the preservation of social order. The difference of the approaches in the texts of historians is also notable; some historians such as Tabari and Mas'udi have presented brief and descriptive accounts, while Tha'alebi, Moqaddasi, and Gardizi have explained the movement with a theological historical approach. The main focus of all these accounts has been heresy, the threat to social order, and the danger of spreading Mazdak's teachings to the society of their time. These representations show that Iranian Islamic historiography in the early Islamic centuries, in addition to its reporting role, had an educational and normative role and acted as an intellectual tool for legitimizing the political order. As a result, the representation of the Mazdak movement is not an accurate reflection of a historical event, but a directional representation of the past that aims to educate the audience, warn the elite and rulers, and consolidate the socio-political order. By highlighting features such as heresy, heresy, and threat to the religious and social order, historians have presented a negative image of Mazdak and his movement in order to present a model for learning lessons for confronting contemporary movements. Thus, Iranian Islamic historiography of the early Islamic centuries reflects a combination of the cultural memory of ancient Iran, the intellectual needs, and the official policy of the Abbasids, and studying this representation provides valuable insight into the role of history and historians in shaping historical memory, the legitimacy of power, and the reproduction of social norms.Iranian-Islamic historiographical texts of the early centuries of the Hijri are considered to be the most important sources of study for this period due to their historical information about the ancient past of Iran. One of the important events reflected in these texts is the social-religious movement of Mazdak (488-531 A.D); an uprising that was formed by Mazdak, as one of the Zoroastrian clerics, and by presenting a new interpretation of the Avesta and presenting new social laws, he attempted to reduce inequalities and class differences and establish a common and unbiased society based on the teachings of Zoroastrianism. Mazdak's social and religious reforms created a wave of structural changes and quickly led to his increasing popularity and the support of some officials, including Shah Qobad (487-531 A.D). However, these developments were encountered with the resistance from the government apparatus and Zoroastrian clerics affiliated with the government, and ultimately, during the reign of Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 A.D), Mazdak movement was suppressed. The main issue of this research is to examine how Mazdak's uprising was represented in the Iranian-Islamic historiography and to analyze the political and intellectual functions of this representation. The research question is why the Iranian Muslim historians of the early Islamic centuries often negatively represented Mazdak's movement and his teachings, and what functions this representation had in the society and politics of their time. The research hypothesis is that negative narratives of Mazdak and his movement were not an accurate reflection of historical facts, but rather the product of the intellectual, cultural, and political needs of historians and society of their time, and its purpose was to present a historical model to warn and legitimize political power. The research method is based on the description and analysis of narratives from the Iranian-Islamic chronicles. In analyzing the reports of Muslim historians about Mazdak's uprising and how it was suppressed, with regard to the role of two background sources, namely the Sassanid Khodainameh and their Arabic translations, it is shown how these primary sources influenced the selection, highlighting, and intellectual orientation of historians and determined the form of their narrative. The findings clarify that the Muslim historians have mainly presented a negative image of Mazdak. He has been described with titles such as "despiser of religion," "heretical dog," "devil," and "Mazdak cursed by Allah," and his religious social teachings, such as the sharing of property and women and the fight against inequality, have been introduced as heresy and a threat to social order. These representations are often based on the Iranian-Islamic cultural and political values and discourses, and rather than reflecting historical realities, their aim was to create a model that would teach lessons and legitimize political power in the Abbasid era (132-656 A.H). By comparing the Mazdakist movement with contemporary uprisings such as Sinbad (138 A.H), Babak (201-223 A.H), and Maziyar (224-225 A.H), historians have presented a model of suppressing heretics and emphasizing the preservation of social order. The difference of the approaches in the texts of historians is also notable; some historians such as Tabari and Mas'udi have presented brief and descriptive accounts, while Tha'alebi, Moqaddasi, and Gardizi have explained the movement with a theological historical approach. The main focus of all these accounts has been heresy, the threat to social order, and the danger of spreading Mazdak's teachings to the society of their time. These representations show that Iranian Islamic historiography in the early Islamic centuries, in addition to its reporting role, had an educational and normative role and acted as an intellectual tool for legitimizing the political order. As a result, the representation of the Mazdak movement is not an accurate reflection of a historical event, but a directional representation of the past that aims to educate the audience, warn the elite and rulers, and consolidate the socio-political order. By highlighting features such as heresy, heresy, and threat to the religious and social order, historians have presented a negative image of Mazdak and his movement in order to present a model for learning lessons for confronting contemporary movements. Thus, Iranian Islamic historiography of the early Islamic centuries reflects a combination of the cultural memory of ancient Iran, the intellectual needs, and the official policy of the Abbasids, and studying this representation provides valuable insight into the role of history and historians in shaping historical memory, the legitimacy of power, and the reproduction of social norms.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79634_e27b1f275453c96532a967d323008c6c.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923Criticism of Power in the Form of Humor in
Seljuk-era IranCriticism of Power in the Form of Humor in
Seljuk-era Iran2041817963510.22081/hiq.2023.64726.2283FAFatemehKargar JahromiPh.D., Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.Journal Article20220910Criticism as a social and political phenomenon is an inherent and universal phenomenon that has had an active presence in all historical periods, regardless of the ruling government system. This action has challenged human societies in various dimensions, from criticizing micro-mechanisms to protesting macro-structures of political power. In the domain of politics, as in contemporary times, criticizing those in power, including sultans, ministers, and other high-ranking officials, has always been one of the main concerns of critical movements. However, the method and means of expressing these criticisms depend on the intensity of the concentration of power and the degree of political tolerance prevailing in that particular period of time and place. In the historical context <br />of Iran, and specifically in the Seljuk era, which is known for its centralized and often authoritarian administrative system, the explicit and direct expression of criticism brought numerous security and social risks to the critic. Therefore, the cultural and literary elites of that era turned to more indirect and subtle methods, with satire literature emerging as the most effective and efficient tool in this regard. The term satire today, in the context of the classical literature of the Seljuk era, was presented in more precise literary forms such as satire, which had a sharper and more targeted tone, and humor, was more about character destruction or moral satire, as well as irony and sarcasm, and was always expressed with great caution by considering the dangers of the government. The nature of this literary genre required that criticism of the ruling system was often presented in a veiled and indirect manner; Although there are also instances of explicit criticism in the texts of that period, which indicate the courage of some critics at certain points in history. The main function of humor at this time was not simply to create joyful moments, but rather pursued deeper social and political goals. These goals were trying to improve the general condition of society, exposing hidden issues of the power structure, and applying structural criticism to the performance of official officials. These criticisms were conveyed to the reader by using artistic and often subtle techniques, such as comparing rulers to animals or poor symbols, applying intelligent humiliation, and creating exaggerated verbal contradictions. The central issue of the present research focuses on explaining the mechanism of this phenomenon that, in the political and cultural structure of Iran during the Seljuk era, why, how the literary tool of humor was used to criticize men of power, and what were the reactions of the ruling apparatus and society toward this critical expression. Considering the policies governing Seljuk society, this research relying on the analytical approach aims to examine the way society interacted with the ruling apparatus through the humor, the specific modes of expression of these critiques, and the multifaceted functions of this literary genre. This research was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method and aimed to extract and accurately understand the critical culture of Iranian society in relation to the criticism of politicians. The results show that the criticism in the form of humor, despite its inherent dangers and the risk to the critic's life, could fulfill vital functions. These functions included effectively and widely informing the public about the current situation, facilitating the correction of functions in the government apparatus by providing indirect feedback, and also providing a path of individual liberation for the critic (liberation from the constraints of direct expression). Humor during this era acted as a breathing space for the society and allowed bitter truths to be expressed in a veil of irony and humor. This phenomenon indicates the high cultural and literary maturity of the Seljuk society, which was able to use a powerful tool to maintain social balance and apply structural criticism through literary aesthetics within the framework of political restrictions, and this dynamic interaction between criticism and power formed an important part of the social dynamics of that era.Criticism as a social and political phenomenon is an inherent and universal phenomenon that has had an active presence in all historical periods, regardless of the ruling government system. This action has challenged human societies in various dimensions, from criticizing micro-mechanisms to protesting macro-structures of political power. In the domain of politics, as in contemporary times, criticizing those in power, including sultans, ministers, and other high-ranking officials, has always been one of the main concerns of critical movements. However, the method and means of expressing these criticisms depend on the intensity of the concentration of power and the degree of political tolerance prevailing in that particular period of time and place. In the historical context <br />of Iran, and specifically in the Seljuk era, which is known for its centralized and often authoritarian administrative system, the explicit and direct expression of criticism brought numerous security and social risks to the critic. Therefore, the cultural and literary elites of that era turned to more indirect and subtle methods, with satire literature emerging as the most effective and efficient tool in this regard. The term satire today, in the context of the classical literature of the Seljuk era, was presented in more precise literary forms such as satire, which had a sharper and more targeted tone, and humor, was more about character destruction or moral satire, as well as irony and sarcasm, and was always expressed with great caution by considering the dangers of the government. The nature of this literary genre required that criticism of the ruling system was often presented in a veiled and indirect manner; Although there are also instances of explicit criticism in the texts of that period, which indicate the courage of some critics at certain points in history. The main function of humor at this time was not simply to create joyful moments, but rather pursued deeper social and political goals. These goals were trying to improve the general condition of society, exposing hidden issues of the power structure, and applying structural criticism to the performance of official officials. These criticisms were conveyed to the reader by using artistic and often subtle techniques, such as comparing rulers to animals or poor symbols, applying intelligent humiliation, and creating exaggerated verbal contradictions. The central issue of the present research focuses on explaining the mechanism of this phenomenon that, in the political and cultural structure of Iran during the Seljuk era, why, how the literary tool of humor was used to criticize men of power, and what were the reactions of the ruling apparatus and society toward this critical expression. Considering the policies governing Seljuk society, this research relying on the analytical approach aims to examine the way society interacted with the ruling apparatus through the humor, the specific modes of expression of these critiques, and the multifaceted functions of this literary genre. This research was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method and aimed to extract and accurately understand the critical culture of Iranian society in relation to the criticism of politicians. The results show that the criticism in the form of humor, despite its inherent dangers and the risk to the critic's life, could fulfill vital functions. These functions included effectively and widely informing the public about the current situation, facilitating the correction of functions in the government apparatus by providing indirect feedback, and also providing a path of individual liberation for the critic (liberation from the constraints of direct expression). Humor during this era acted as a breathing space for the society and allowed bitter truths to be expressed in a veil of irony and humor. This phenomenon indicates the high cultural and literary maturity of the Seljuk society, which was able to use a powerful tool to maintain social balance and apply structural criticism through literary aesthetics within the framework of political restrictions, and this dynamic interaction between criticism and power formed an important part of the social dynamics of that era.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79635_59e45c55b73c1bb8fe936fc1aa95485d.pdfBaqir al-Olum UniversityHistory of Islam2008-643126320250923A Historical Study of the Factors of the Spread of Shiism in Sanandaj from Qajar Period to the PresentA Historical Study of the Factors of the Spread of Shiism in Sanandaj from Qajar Period to the Present2262057963610.22081/hiq.2023.63857.2256FAManouchehrKhosraviPh.D., Department of Shiism History, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranSeyed AbolhasanNavvabAssociate Professor, Department of Jurisprudence, University of Religions and Denominations, Qom, IranJournal Article20220428The present study focuses on the role of migration and architecture in the spread and consolidation of Shiism in the city of Sanandaj. As a predominantly Sunni city with a Kurdish majority, Sanandaj has long been a meeting place for different cultures and religions, but the entry and spread of Shiism there, is a relatively recent phenomenon that has its roots in political, social, and economic factors. The main issue of the research is how the migration of Shiite families and merchants from the central cities of Iran, along with their architectural and construction activities, has led to the inclination of a part of the people of Sanandaj to Shiism. This issue is important because Shiism in Kurdistan, especially Sanandaj, was not only the result of government policies, but also the product of social and cultural interactions of Shiite immigrants with the local community. For example, during the Qajar period, with the support of sultans such as Fath Ali Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, local Shiite rulers were appointed and the migration of Shiite merchants increased, which led to the construction of religious buildings such as mosques, Hussainiyyas, and caravanserais. In the present era, after the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the migration of Shiite military and security forces to establish security played another role in strengthening the Shiite community. The research issue also addresses the challenges arising from this expansion, such as maintaining religious balance in a multicultural society and preventing a sense of “Shiitization” that may fuel ethno-religious tensions. This study clarifies that Shiism in Sanandaj was not an imposed phenomenon, but rather the result of voluntary migration and economic-cultural activities that transformed the Shiite population from a small minority into a significant group, so that they currently constitute more than 20 percent of the city's population. The main objectives of this study are: 1) describing <br />the role of the migration of Shiite families (such as Waziri, Qaderi, Nabatriz, and Mir Abutaleb) in the tendency of the people of Sanandaj toward Shiism; 2) analyzing <br />the impact of the architectural and construction activities of Shiite immigrants on the consolidation of Shiite symbols in the city, such as the construction of Hussainiyya, mosques, and markets; 3) examining social interactions between Shiites and local Sunnis to understand how religious tolerance is maintained; 4) identifying political factors, such as the rule of Shiite statesmen, in facilitating this expansion. The secondary objectives of the study also include documenting the historical background of the entry of Shiism into Kurdistan from the Safavid and Qajar periods, and evaluating cultural achievements, such as the holding of Muharram mourning ceremonies and Shiite festivals. Finally, the practical aim of the research is to provide suggestions for the cultural policy-making to prevent potential tensions arising from the feeling of Shiism in Sunni-dominated areas.
<strong>206</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 3, 2025</strong>
<strong> </strong>
The necessity of this research stems from several aspects. First, despite numerous studies on the history of Kurdistan (such as the works of Ali Akbar Vaqaye’ Negar and Mirza Shokrollah Sanandji), there is no dedicated study on the Shi’ite community of Sanandaj, which the present study fills this gap. Second, in the current context of Iran, where the ethno-religious diversity of Kurdistan can be a source of unity or tension, a historical understanding of the spread of Shiism is essential to prevent the incitement of extremist Salafi groups or anti-national ethnocentrism. Third, this research addresses the need for innovation in Shiite studies, as focusing on the role of migration and architecture (as less studied factors) could provide a model for similar studies in other border regions of Iran. Also, considering the demographic changes after the Islamic Revolution, such as the migration of Shiite forces for security, it is necessary to evaluate the role of these factors in the social developments of Sanandaj. Finally, this research helps policymakers to protect the common cultural heritage of Shiites and Sunnis by maintaining tolerance and to use it to strengthen national identity. The present research is based on the descriptive-analytical method with an applied orientation. A qualitative approach was used, which includes collecting data from the library resources, historical documents, and content analysis. Content analysis was conducted based on the study of historical texts to identify patterns of migration and architecture, and a historical-comparative method was used to compare Qajar, Pahlavi, and Islamic Republic periods. The results indicate that the migration of Shiite merchants from the Qajar period and the support of Shiite rulers played a key role in the spread of Shiism, so that the Shiite population has transformed from a minority to an influential group. Architecture, such as the construction of the Grand Mosque (1228 A.H) and the Arbab Caravanserai, established Shiite symbols. In the present era, immigration after the Islamic Revolution strengthened security and religious centers such as Mahdiyeh. Practical achievement of the research is suggesting to avoid Shiite expressions to maintain unity. This research is innovative in focusing on Sanandaj and shows that Shiism was the result of Kurdish tolerance and economic activities.The present study focuses on the role of migration and architecture in the spread and consolidation of Shiism in the city of Sanandaj. As a predominantly Sunni city with a Kurdish majority, Sanandaj has long been a meeting place for different cultures and religions, but the entry and spread of Shiism there, is a relatively recent phenomenon that has its roots in political, social, and economic factors. The main issue of the research is how the migration of Shiite families and merchants from the central cities of Iran, along with their architectural and construction activities, has led to the inclination of a part of the people of Sanandaj to Shiism. This issue is important because Shiism in Kurdistan, especially Sanandaj, was not only the result of government policies, but also the product of social and cultural interactions of Shiite immigrants with the local community. For example, during the Qajar period, with the support of sultans such as Fath Ali Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, local Shiite rulers were appointed and the migration of Shiite merchants increased, which led to the construction of religious buildings such as mosques, Hussainiyyas, and caravanserais. In the present era, after the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the migration of Shiite military and security forces to establish security played another role in strengthening the Shiite community. The research issue also addresses the challenges arising from this expansion, such as maintaining religious balance in a multicultural society and preventing a sense of “Shiitization” that may fuel ethno-religious tensions. This study clarifies that Shiism in Sanandaj was not an imposed phenomenon, but rather the result of voluntary migration and economic-cultural activities that transformed the Shiite population from a small minority into a significant group, so that they currently constitute more than 20 percent of the city's population. The main objectives of this study are: 1) describing <br />the role of the migration of Shiite families (such as Waziri, Qaderi, Nabatriz, and Mir Abutaleb) in the tendency of the people of Sanandaj toward Shiism; 2) analyzing <br />the impact of the architectural and construction activities of Shiite immigrants on the consolidation of Shiite symbols in the city, such as the construction of Hussainiyya, mosques, and markets; 3) examining social interactions between Shiites and local Sunnis to understand how religious tolerance is maintained; 4) identifying political factors, such as the rule of Shiite statesmen, in facilitating this expansion. The secondary objectives of the study also include documenting the historical background of the entry of Shiism into Kurdistan from the Safavid and Qajar periods, and evaluating cultural achievements, such as the holding of Muharram mourning ceremonies and Shiite festivals. Finally, the practical aim of the research is to provide suggestions for the cultural policy-making to prevent potential tensions arising from the feeling of Shiism in Sunni-dominated areas.
<strong>206</strong> <strong>ô</strong> <strong>History of Islam, Vol. 26, No. 3, 2025</strong>
<strong> </strong>
The necessity of this research stems from several aspects. First, despite numerous studies on the history of Kurdistan (such as the works of Ali Akbar Vaqaye’ Negar and Mirza Shokrollah Sanandji), there is no dedicated study on the Shi’ite community of Sanandaj, which the present study fills this gap. Second, in the current context of Iran, where the ethno-religious diversity of Kurdistan can be a source of unity or tension, a historical understanding of the spread of Shiism is essential to prevent the incitement of extremist Salafi groups or anti-national ethnocentrism. Third, this research addresses the need for innovation in Shiite studies, as focusing on the role of migration and architecture (as less studied factors) could provide a model for similar studies in other border regions of Iran. Also, considering the demographic changes after the Islamic Revolution, such as the migration of Shiite forces for security, it is necessary to evaluate the role of these factors in the social developments of Sanandaj. Finally, this research helps policymakers to protect the common cultural heritage of Shiites and Sunnis by maintaining tolerance and to use it to strengthen national identity. The present research is based on the descriptive-analytical method with an applied orientation. A qualitative approach was used, which includes collecting data from the library resources, historical documents, and content analysis. Content analysis was conducted based on the study of historical texts to identify patterns of migration and architecture, and a historical-comparative method was used to compare Qajar, Pahlavi, and Islamic Republic periods. The results indicate that the migration of Shiite merchants from the Qajar period and the support of Shiite rulers played a key role in the spread of Shiism, so that the Shiite population has transformed from a minority to an influential group. Architecture, such as the construction of the Grand Mosque (1228 A.H) and the Arbab Caravanserai, established Shiite symbols. In the present era, immigration after the Islamic Revolution strengthened security and religious centers such as Mahdiyeh. Practical achievement of the research is suggesting to avoid Shiite expressions to maintain unity. This research is innovative in focusing on Sanandaj and shows that Shiism was the result of Kurdish tolerance and economic activities.https://hiq.bou.ac.ir/article_79636_ddbf6c76e2e96c8f893adae3f8575dce.pdf